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                                                        Historical Series.
                                                              No. 16





PAGE. Dedication, iii Introduction, v The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne from Canada, - 1 Preface to Digby's Journal, 79 The Campaign of 1776, 81 The Campaign of 1777, 185 Return of killed, wounded and prisoners during the Cam- paign of 1777, 324 Return of the Army of the United States under the com- mand of General Gates, October 17, 1777, 354 Return of the British Troops under the command of General Burgoyne, 355 Return of the German Troops under the command of General Riedesel, 355 General Burgoyne's Speech to the Indians in Congress, June 21, 1777, 356 Reply of the Old Chief of the Iroquois, 360 ILLUSTRATIONS. Portrait of General John Burgoyne, - Frontispiece. Portrait of General Horatio Gates, 46 Grave of Adams and Culbertson, 136 Burial of General Fraser, 292
DEDICATED to the Memory of My Beloved Father, Mr. ELIHU BAXTER, to whom the Men of the Revolution were the most Heroic, the most devoted to duty, and the most pure in heart of all man, ancient or modern.
In offering to the public a new addendum to that stirring theme, the British invasion from Canada in the War of the Revolution, a few explanatory words seem proper. While engaged during the fall and winter of 1885-6, in examining manuscripts in English archives relative to America, a Journal in the British Museum, written by William Digby, an officer in the army of invasion, and containing interesting particulars relative to the two campaigns of 1776 and 1777, attracted my attention, and I obtained permission from the Museum authorities to have it copied. Having familiarized myself with the Journal, I became so interested in it, that I laid aside other work in which I was engaged and began collecting materials for annotating it. This work led to a study of the subject, of which the Journal treats but partially, and to complete my task properly, a succinct account of the two campaigns and of questions growing out of them con- nected with the hero of the final and more important one — General Burgoyne — seemed necessary as introductory to Digby's work; hence my account of the campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. In my work I have received favors from many sources, notably from the officials of the British Museum, especially from Mr. Henry Kensington; from the vi Introduction. British War and Admiralty Offices, which have generously furnished me with particulars relative to officers engaged in the two campaigns, and from Douglas Brymner, Esq., of Ottawa, Canadian archivist. Mr. William L. Stone, so well known to all historical students as an authority in matters relating to the Revolutionary period, has been untiring in giving me valuable aid and encouragement; Mr. F. D. Stone, librarian of the Pennsylvania Historical Society, and particularly Mr. John W. Jordan, his able assistant, have rendered me valuable aid, and the same may be said of Mr. A. R. Spofford of the National Library at Washington; Mr. F. Saunders of the Astor Library, New York, and William H. Egle, M. D., of the State Library of Pennsylvania at Harrisburg. Last and not least, I must refer to the admirable, I may say unequaled work of Colonel Horatio Rogers, embodied in Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books, from which I have derived much information. Of the author of the Journal, William Digby, but little can be said. I have been baffled thus far in obtaining particulars concerning his family and early history. He entered the British military service as an ensign in the Fifty-third Regiment of Foot, on February l0, 1770, at which date the regiment was doing garrison duty in Ireland under the command of Colonel John Toovey, an officer of distinction in the British army. In this capacity he served until April 1, 1773, when he was promoted to the rank of lieutenant, which was his rank when hostilities commenced between Great Britain and her North American colonies. On the 4th of April, 1776, Digby embarked from Ireland with his regiment under Major- General Burgoyne for the relief of Quebec, and shared in the perils attendant upon the expulsion of the Americans from Canada during that year; and through the winter which followed was stationed at Chambly. In the spring Introduction. vii of 1777, the four flank companies of the Fifty-third Regi- ment were selected to accompany Burgoyne's expedition to reduce the colonists into submission to the British crown, the eight battalion companies being left behind to protect Canada against another invasion. These companies were subsequently employed by Burgoyne to garrison Ticonderoga; but Digby followed the fortunes of his general through that trying campaign, which ended in the surrender of the British army of invasion to the Americans at Saratoga. Digby was among the paroled officers, but unfortunately has left us no account of his experiences after the surrender. From the time when he signed the parole at Cambridge, he disappears from view until the l0th of August, 1785, — some time after the acknowledgment by Great Britain of American independence — at which date his regiment was still doing garrison duty in Canada, when we find him retiring on half pay, "by exchange receiving the difference," and, on March 1, 1786, he appears, by record of the War Office, under the title of lieutenant," by exchange, repaying the difference." On the twenty-second of the same month he is recorded as having retired. This is the last glimpse we have of our journalist. Of the Journal itself, I can say but little. It is not an original kept during the campaign, but a compilation made by the author, undoubtedly, as he says, for the partial eye of a friend. My copy was made by a scribe recommended to me at the Museum, and was compared with the original by Mr. Kensington, who pronounced it correct. It has been printed verbatim et literatim, except that I have introduced capitals in some instances where they seemed necessary, and have corrected the spelling of two or three words, which I believe have been errors of the scribe growing out of obscure writing, as Livingstone for Lcvestoe, and Ticonderoga for Ticonderago. I have also added to the punctuation and have placed a few words in viii Introduction. brackets to clear up apparent ambiguities of meaning. I regret having been unable to correct proof by the original manuscript, as this is the only proper way to secure verbal accuracy, but I trust that no material errors will be found in the work.

James Phinnry Baxter.

61 Deering St., Portland, Maine, November 1, 1887 THE CAMPAIGNS OF CARLETON AND BURGOYNE FROM CANADA. 1776 AND 1777. ______________ HE author of the following journal, William Digby, lieutenant of the 53rd Regiment of British Grenadiers, had passed into oblivion and the stream of memory would never have brought us any tidings of him, had not this waif, surviving the vicissitudes and perils to which it must have been exposed for more than a century, brought to hand enough to enable us to mentally outline the man and partially estimate his character. That his was a manly spirit guided by an unswerving instinct of justice; devoted to duty and singularly free from that undue proneness to criticism of those above him so common to men in conditions similar to those in which he found himself during the disastrous campaign of General Burgoyne, all will be ready to admit after perusing his journal, and though we 2 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. may know nothing of his family tree, of the time or place of his coming or going, or indeed of any subsequent events of his life, we shall regard him with confidence and respect. The regiment of which Digby was lieutenant was organized in 1755,1 at a time when the French with their savage Indian allies were attacking the American frontier settlements, rendering a war between the mother country and France unavoidable. At the time of its formation it was called the 55th, but Governor Shirley2 of Massachusetts, and Sir William Pepperell3 had each formed a regiment called respectively the 50th and 51st, which after the war were disbanded, and the gap was closed by lowering the numbers of the regiments above them, by which the 55th became the 53rd. At the time when the English colonies in America were demanding from the home government what they conceived to be their rights, the 53rd was garrisoned in Ireland, from whence it was ordered to Canada to take -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 1 Vide Historical Record of the 53rd Regiment (Cannon), London, 1834. The uniform of the regiment was: "Cocked hats; red coats faced with red, lined with yellow and ornamented with yellow lace; red waistcoats and breeches and white gaiters." 2 William Shirley was governor of Massachusetts from 1741 to 1756, and was prominent in the war with the French. 3 Sir William Pepperell was a colonel of militia, and distinguished himself at the siege of Louisburg in 1745, for which he received the order of Knighthood. He died in 1759. Vide Life of, by Parsons, London, 1856. The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 3 part in that momentous drama, the first scene of which had opened in the quiet rural village of Lexington. The troops sailed from Ireland with a knowledge of the successes which the American arms had achieved in Canada, expecting indeed to learn on their arrival that Quebec had fallen into the possession of Montgomery, but with anticipation of a speedy subjugation of their despised antagonists, whose commander the aristocratic supporters of royalty designated as Mister,4 declining to recognize his title of general, and regarding those who had taken up arms in defense of their rights a lawless rabble, ignorant of civilized warfare.5 The -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 4 Lord George Germaine, the British minister, persisted in his correspondence with Howe and others in designating General Washington as " Mr.," and this example of his superior the British commander felt bound to follow. He therefore addressed his first letter to Mr. Washington, which the latter declined to receive, and Howe returned it by Colonel Patterson, one of his officers, addressed to George Washington, etc., etc., etc. Washington took no notice of the insult, but stated that he declined to receive "any letter directed to him as a private person when it related to his public station." Colonel Patterson pointed out that "etc., etc., etc." implied all the titles which he might choose to claim, and ended by verbally conveying to him the contents of Howe's letter. This folly was not long persisted in by General Howe, who although he had declared that he would acknowledge "no rank but that conferred by the king," found himself obliged to recognize Washington by his appropriate title if he would hold communication with him. Vide Sparks' Life, Appendix No. 1, vol. IV. 5 Not only were they characterized as lawless and ignorant, but as full of all iniquity. General Gage wrote on 4 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. expedition, consisting of fifty-four transport ships and convoyed by two men of war, sailed from Cork in April, 1776, the troops being under the charge of Lieutenant-Colonel Fraser, who ended his career in the campaign of the next year with so many others of his brave companions. Leaving these troops to pursue their voyage across the Atlantic, we will glance retrospectively at the progress of events during the preceding year. The battles of Lexington and Bunker Hill had disclosed to the king and his ministers the unpleasant fact, that they had been at fault in supposing that Englishmen in America would give way at once upon the appearance of regular troops, a fallacy which they had hitherto indulged, and they began to awaken to the unpleasant prospect of a prolonged conflict, concerning the outcome of which, there was among thoughtful men a diversity of opinion. What made it the more embarrassing to the British government was the opposition of its people at home to the war. The principle for which -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— July 24, 1775 : "A Pamphlet published by the Continental Congress, called a Declaration of the United Colonies, has been sent in from the Rebel Camp, copies of which will no doubt be sent to England from Philadelphia. They pay little regard to facts, for the Contents of it is as replete with Deceit and Falsehood as most of their Publications;" and, again, "Mr. Washington, who commands the Rebel Army, has written to me on the subject of the treatment of the Rebel Prisoners in our custody. I understand they make war like Savages, capitivating women and children." Vide Correspondence in Public Records' Office, London. The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 5 the colonists had taken arms was a popular one, and a powerful party in England warmly espoused it. When the determination of the government to subjugate the colonists by force of arms became known, the ministry was bombarded with petitions from every part of the kingdom. These petitions set forth all the arguments against the course determined upon which ingenuity could devise. Many even of the first officers in the army threw up their commissions, declaring that they would not serve in such a war against their own countrymen. But the sluggish spirit of George the Third was thoroughly aroused against his unruly subjects, and he was stubbornly deaf to arguments in their favor however reasonable they might be. He was fully bent upon chastising them into submission, and was hotly seconded by his ministers. But the conditions existing in the two countries were quite dissimilar. In the colonies the people freely offered their lives and fortunes to the common cause, and multitudes gathered under the new flag, animated with hope and with a fixed determination never to yield their rights, while in England on the contrary, the unpopularity of the war rendered enlistments on a large scale impossible. Though unusual bounties were offered, enlistments proceeded so slowly that the king found it necessary to look across the channel for aid. He applied to Catherine of Russia to lend him some of her battalions, but was met with a tart 6 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. refusal;6 to Holland, which turned an indifferent ear to his appeal, and finally to Germany with better success. The petty sovereigns of this country to their eternal disgrace, loaned for hire seventeen thousand of their people to the British king, as they doubtless would have loaned them to the colonists had they sought them with a larger price. When it became known in England that the king had hired German troops in order to subjugate their countrymen in America, a considerable portion of the English people raised their voices against the act. They saw in it perhaps, the possibility of an abridgment of their own liberties by similar means. But the king was delighted with the new acquisitions to his forces; indeed, he regarded them with greater complacency than he regarded his own more thoughtful subjects. Their stolid minds were not agitated with -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 6 "George the Third, when he applied to Catherine of Russia for twenty thousand of her subjects to employ against the colonies, gallantly left her to fix her own compensation; but she refused his application with so much spirit, that the king in a letter to Lord North said, that some of her expressions might "be civil to a Russian ear, but certainly not to more civilized ones." Horace Walpole took delight in ridiculing the king for his correspondence with "Sister Kitty." Schiller thus holds up the German sovereign to public view. After speaking of the objections which some of the soldiers made to being sold for the American war, he continues: "Our gracious sovereign paraded the troops and had the chattering fools shot then and there. We heard the crack of the muskets, we saw their brains sprinkled against the wall, and then the rest shouted, 'Hurrah for America!' " The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 7 theories of human rights, and their sympathies would not be with a people whose manners were to them an offense, and whose language a mystery; hence there could be no fear that they would desert to the Americans as some of the English levies might. The employment of these hirelings against the colonists was abhorrent to many of the English people;7 but the employment of the savage Indian tribes against them was still more so, and this feeling was shared even by the British commanders themselves. But England possessed a monarch incapable of listening to reason where his prejudices were opposed, and a ministry whose incapacity has perhaps never been equaled. The harshest measures were blindly resolved upon, and it was determined to crush out the rebellion before it could gather more strength, or engage the sympathy of France, who was watching the struggle with keen satisfaction, not a satisfaction in which sympathy for the oppressed colonists found a place, as it was but the preposterous struggle of the canaille against the noblesse; but a satisfaction which would be intensified if, peradventure, both combatants should be so weakened as to make it possible -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 7 Chatham, Burke and others denounced the employment of the savages in the most ardent manner. We are told that the vehemence of the latter caused tears of laughter to roll "down the fat cheeks of Lord North at hearing an absent man denounced for measures for which he himself was mainly and directly responsible." Vide Fonblanque's Life of Burgoyne, London, 1856, p. 243, n. 8 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. for her to again found her imperium in the new world. How was it with the Americans? Hopeful of success they had assumed the offensive and had made their triumphant way into Canada: Montgomery pushing through the lake region of northern New York, and Arnold through the wilderness of Maine, finally joined their forces together in the heart of the enemy's country. Stronghold after stronghold fell before the invaders, until at last, the British General Carleton fleeing to escape capture in the habiliments of a peasant, took refuge in the fortress of Quebec, under whose walls the victorious Americans encamped, confident of conquering the last remnant of King George's troops left on the soil of Canada. This was the condition of affairs in December, 1775, while the king was drumming up reluctant recruits in England, and negotiating for others with his brother despots on the continent, as before stated. But a Canadian winter was upon Montgomery; disease and exposure were wasting his army, and something had to be done. The darkest and shortest days of winter came, and an attack, one of the most daring in the annals of arms, was made upon Quebec. Montgomery, whose intrepid spirit had never forecast failure, and whose presence alone gave animation to the enterprise, fell with many of his no less brave compatriots, and beaten back, shattered but not disheartened, the Americans sullenly sat down before the walls of the city, repaired as well as they could their sore damage, and laid The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 9 out new schemes for the discomfiture of their enemies. Arnold was in command, a man perhaps no less daring nor less fruitful in expedients than Montgomery, and as spring advanced, he prepared for a final attack upon Carleton. His batteries commanded the river, his red-hot shot were thrown into the city, but disease was at work in his army to which few recruits found their way. In the beginning of May, Thomas,8 who had been assigned to the chief command, arrived, and while he was considering the question of raising the siege, the advance ships of the fleet which had sailed from Ireland in April came in sight, and leaving behind every thing which could incumber his retreat, he at once hastened to abandon his position, followed by Carleton with reinforcements from the fleet. Although the Americans stubbornly contested their ground, as may be seen by a perusal of this journal penned by -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 8 General John Thomas was from Plymouth, Massachusetts, where his descendants still reside. He, like Montgomery, had seen service in the French and Indian wars. At the beginning of the war, he was one of the first to raise a regiment, with which he joined the Continental army at Roxbury in 1775. He was appointed one of the first brigadier- generals, and commanded a division at the siege of Boston. He was appointed a major-general in March, 1776, and in the following May joined the army before Quebec, but was attacked by the small-pox, which prevailed among the troops, shortly after his arrival in camp, and died at Chambly on the 2d of June. He was a man of ability and greatly esteemed by his soldiers. Washington placed confidence in him, and believed that he would accomplish much for the American cause. l0 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. an unfriendly but just spirit, they were forced back by the superior strength of the British with their German and Indian allies. These divided into two parts, one under Carleton, who followed the St. Lawrence to Montreal to attack Arnold, who held that place, and the other under Burgoyne, who pressed on toward Fort St. Johns, forcing back Sullivan9 to that point. Here however, Arnold, who had retreated before Carleton, was enabled to form a junction with Sullivan; but the two generals seeing how useless it -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 9 John Sullivan was of Irish parentage and a native of Berwick, Maine. He was born February 17, 1740, and was reared on a farm, but upon reaching maturity studied law and began the practice of his profession at Durham, New Hampshire. He was a delegate to the first Continental Congress. When the Continental army was organized in 1775, he was appointed a brigadier-general, and the following year was made a major-general. He was assigned to the command left vacant by the death of General Thomas, and shortly after took the place of General Greene on Long Island. In the battle which took place there in August of the same year (1776) he was taken prisoner, but was soon exchanged, when he was assigned to the command of General Charles Lee's division in New Jersey, Lee having been taken prisoner. He participated in the battles of Brandywine and Germantown, and soon after was assigned to the command of the Rhode Island troops. He was engaged, in the summer of 1778, in the unsuccessful siege of Newport, and the next year ended his military career in an expedition against the Indians. Owing to some difficulty with the board of war, he resigned his commission in 1779. He was after this, a member of Congress and president of New Hampshire, and in 1789, received the appointment of district judge, an office which he retained until his death, January 23, 1795. The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 11 was to attempt to withstand the onset of forces so much superior to their own, determined to fall back upon Crown Point and there make a final stand. This determination they acted upon, leaving the enemy to pursue them as best they might — a problem difficult of solution. In order to make an attack upon the Americans likely to be attended with success, vessels were requisite, and these must be provided. With commendable energy, Carleton at once set about improvising a navy, and by the 5th of October had constructed and equipped a fleet of one ship, two schooners, one radeau,10 one gondola,11 and twenty-two gunboats with eighty-seven guns. Some of these vessels had been transported in pieces from Chambly to Fort St. Johns and there put together. Being now ready, Carleton proceeded with his fleet up the Sorel to Isle aux Noix at the entrance to the lake. He was now in a condition to attack the Americans with a good prospect of success, as he knew the force which they possessed was inferior to his. The fleet to be opposed to him had three more guns but of much lighter caliber -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 10 The word radeau is equivalent to the English raft. The radeau was the prototype of the modern floating battery, having low but strong bulwarks to protect the men handling the guns, which were usually of heavy caliber. It was a cumbersome craft to manage, but, at the same time, effective. 11 A gondola was quite unlike its Venetian namesake, being a large flat-bottomed affair with square ends, and having a large capacity for carrying. 12 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. and was inferior in other respects. On the morning of the 11th of October, accompanied by a large number of savages in their birchen canoes, some of which were of immense size, capable of carrying thirty men, Carleton moved upon the American fleet which, in command of Benedict Arnold, was drawn up in the form of a crescent between Valcour island and the mainland. A battle ensued, which was contested with spirit on both sides, but the tide of affairs with the Americans was at ebb, and when night fell they found themselves in no condition to continue the fight on the following day; hence in the darkness of the night, they passed unperceived through the British fleet and made all the speed possible to reach Crown Point, hoping that with the guns of that fortress joined with those of the fleet, they might counterbalance the superior force of the enemy. When in the morning, Carleton found that Arnold had eluded him, he followed in pursuit, and succeeded after a fierce battle in destroying and dispersing the American fleet. Nothing now remained for him to do but to push on to Crown Point. This he did as quickly as possible, but the Americans had evacuated their works there and fallen back upon Ticonderoga, which they put into a good condition for defense before he was able to make an attack upon them in their new position. The season was advancing, and perhaps yielding a too-ready ear to the dictates of prudence, instead of following up his advantage and risking an attack upon The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 13 Ticonderoga, which if successful might have changed the issue of the war,12 he resolved to proceed no farther, but to withdraw his army to winter quarters. Thus closed the campaign of '76, disastrous and disheartening to the American patriots. General Carleton, having withdrawn his army from Crown Point, and stationed portions of it at Isle aux Noix, St. Johns, Montreal, and other points in the province, went himself to Quebec where his family was domiciled, while General Burgoyne sailed for England to make preparations for the campaign of '77, which would, it was confidently believed by the British generals, terminate the war. The winter passed pleasantly enough with the British troops, who found plenty to amuse them, but with the Americans quite differently. The latter looked forward with anxiety to the coming campaign, and labored to put themselves in a condition to meet it successfully. They suffered privations and hardships innumerable, but having put hand to plow thought not to look back. Doubtless they often longed for the comforts which -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 12 Lord George Germaine sought in this delay an excuse for venting his rancor against General Carleton, but the king, in spite of the powerful influence which the minister exercised over his mind, defended his officer, for on the 17th November he writes to Lord North, 'Sir Guy Carleton gives sufficient reasons for not earlier attempting to pass the lakes.' " He has been, however, severely criticised by writers for abandoning Crown Point, which would have afforded him an advanced starting point for the next campaign. Vide Fonblanque's Life of Burgoyne, n., p. 217 et seq., and General Phillips' Letter, ibid. 14 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. they had once enjoyed — the leeks and garlics which they had forsaken to attain freedom — but they had in Washington a Moses in whom they confided, and they repined not over much. So the winter passed. Burgoyne in England with the ministers of the irate king, laid out an elaborate plan for the coming cam- paign. The New England provinces were to be violently dissevered from the western and southern by two armies, which were to serve as opposite wedges; the northern wedge to be directed by Burgoyne, the southern by Howe, and the two lines of fracture to meet at Albany in the State of New York. It was an excellent plan, and to any but an omniscient eye would have appeared to be almost certain of success. General Burgoyne arrived at Quebec on the 6th of May, and on the l0th. General Carleton, who was to remain in Canada as commander-in-chief of the Canadian department, for which reinforcements were on the way, passed over to him in accordance with orders from England, the command of about seven thousand troops. Germaine had written him under date of Whitehall, the 26th of the preceding March: " With a view of quell- " ing the rebellion as soon as possible, it is become " highly necessary that the most speedy juncture of " the two armies should be effected; and, therefore, " as the security and good government of Canada " absolutely require your command for the defense " and duties of that province, you are to employ the " remainder of your army upon two expeditions; the The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 15 " one under the command of Lieutenant-General " Burgoyne, who is to force his way to Albany, and the " other under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel St. " Leger, who is to make a diversion on the Mohawk " river."13 Upon receiving his command, Burgoyne at once proceeded to Montreal and began putting things in readiness to carry out this plan, so far as it related to the movement from the north which had been intrusted to him, writing to Germaine on the 19th of May: "The only delay in putting the troops in motion is occasioned by the impracticability of the roads, owing to late extraordinary heavy rains, and this difficulty will be speedily removed by exerting the services of the parishes as soon as the weather clears. In the mean time, I am employing every means that water carriage will admit for drawing the troops and stores toward this point. I trust I shall have vessels sufficient to move the army and stores together, and, in that case, will take post at once within sight of Ticonderoga, and only make use of Crown Point for my hospital and magazine. It is consigned to the New England colonies to furnish supplies of men and provision to oppose the progress of my army, and they have undertaken the task, upon condition of being exempt from supplying Mr. Washington's main army."14 -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 13 Vide A State of the Expedition from Canada. London, 1780. Appendix IV, p. vii. 14 Ibid., p. xi. 16 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. This letter serves as a prelude to that momentous drama, which Burgoyne has himself conveniently divided for us into three acts; a drama which all Europe watched with intense curiosity, and which for a century has been discussed with unflagging interest. The first act of this great drama opens on the 12th of June at St. Johns, on the eve of the embarkation of Burgoyne's army. Nothing which could promote its efficiency in the projected campaign had been neglected. Its equipment, which was lavish, included the most approved artillery of the age, and inspired with the confidence of success it awaited the order of its commander to embark. Carleton, with that amiable generosity which charac- terized him, had come to St. Johns to bid his old comrades in arms a god-speed: an abundant feast had been prepared, and for the last time Burgoyne, Riedesel, Acland, Fraser, Phillips, Carleton, Balcarres and others of like bravery, who had passed thus far unharmed through many battles, gathered around the social board in joyous good-fellowship. After the repast to which wine and wit gave a keener zest, Carleton bade them an affectionate but enthusiastic good-bye, and with his staff took the return road to his head-quarters at Quebec, while the first brigade of the army soon began its embarkation, their martial ardor being inspired by the stirring strains of the regimental bands, and the awe-inspiring thunder of artillery as they marched to their boats. Both the English troops and their The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 17 German allies were trained soldiers in every sense, men who could march up to the cannon's mouth without flinching, and they made a gala occasion of their embarkation on this, the most perilous expedition which they had ever undertaken. Burgoyne had divided his army into brigades, and its progress up the lake was at the rate of about twenty miles a day, every thing being ordered with such exactness, that each brigade occupied at night the camp left by its predecessor at daybreak. Anburey,15 whose descriptions are so graphic, wrote of the splendid spectacle which Burgoyne's army offered to the beholder as it floated on the placid bosom of the lake: "I cannot forbear portraying to your imagination one of the most pleasing spectacles I ever beheld. When we were in the widest part of the lake, whose beauty and extent I have already described, it was remarkably fine and clear, not a breeze was stirring, when the whole army appeared at one view in such perfect regularity as to form the most complete and splendid regatta you can possibly conceive. In the front the Indians went with their -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 15 Thomas Anburey was a volunteer in Burgoyne's army, and was the author of a book entitled Travels through the Interior Parts of America, in a Series of Letters, By an Officer. It was published in London in 1789, and a second edition appeared in 1791. It was translated into German and, in 1793, into French, with annotations by M. Noel, ancien professeur de belles-lettres au College de Louis-le-Grand. Anburey remained a prisoner with the captive army until September, 1781, when he returned to England. 3 18 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. birch bark canoes, containing twenty or thirty each; then the advanced corps in regular line with the gunboats; then followed the Royal George and Inflexible, towing large booms — which are to be thrown across two points of land — with the two brigs and sloops following; after them Generals Burgoyne, Phillips and Riedesel in their pinnaces; next to them the second battalion followed by the German battalion, and the rear was brought up with the suttlers and followers of the army. Upon the appearance of so formidable a fleet you may imagine they were not a little dismayed at Ticonderoga, for they were apprised of our advance as we every day could see their watch-boats."16 At this moment let us pause to take a view of the theatre of action. While Burgoyne is advancing easily toward Crown Point, which Carleton had abandoned the previous autumn, and which the Americans have since neglected, St. Leger, who has been detached from Burgoyne's command with a thousand men which he soon increases to seventeen hundred, is quietly sweeping round by the St. Lawrence, Lakes Ontario and Oneida, toward Fort Schuyler, and after destroying all obstacles which oppose him, is to join his chief at Albany, the objective point of Burgoyne's expedition and that to be sent by Howe from the south to act in concert with it. On the American side, the army under the command of -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 16 Vide Travels Through the Interior Parts of American London. 1789. vol. I, pp. 303-6. The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 19 General Schuyler is posted at the several forts about Lake George and along the Hudson and Mohawk rivers: St. Clair is at Ticonderoga; General Gansevoorf17 at Fort Schuyler, and the commander-in-chief himself at Fort Edward, while various bodies of troops more or less important, are at other points not far distant, or drawing toward the expected field of conflict with the Britons from the North. If we look farther away, we shall find Howe and Clinton at New York, the former instead of directing a force up the Hudson to co-operate with Burgoyne at Albany, strangely preparing an expedition against Philadelphia, all of his preparations being jealously watched by Washington, who is planning to baffle him at every point. Without special incident of importance, Burgoyne arrived at Crown Point on the 29th of June, and on the 1st of July his army appeared in front of Ticonderoga. On the 2d, Fraser took possession of a rise of ground which was named Mount Hope, cutting off St. Clair's communication with Lake George, while Phillips and Riedesel advanced, the former taking position on the right and the latter in front of Fort Independence, -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 17 Peter Gansevoort was a native of Albany, and born on July 17, 1749. He was a major under Montgomery in the campaign against Canada in 1775, and at the time here mentioned held a colonel's commission. His successful defense of Fort Schuyler when besieged by St. Leger, gained him the thanks of Congress. In 1781 he was commissioned by the State of New York a brigadier-general. He died July 2, 1812, after an honorable and useful life. 20 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. which formed a part of that system of defenses to which Ticonderoga belonged. With inexcusable folly, St. Clair had neglected to fortify a hill which overlooked and commanded his position, and when the sun arose on the morning of the 5th of July, his sentinels beheld the British in possession, planting their batteries on its summit and watching curiously his every movement with their glasses.18 Alarmed at this prospect a council was summoned, and it was resolved to abandon this important post in which so much confidence had been placed. Accordingly, St. Clair on the night of the 6th, fled in haste, not even stopping to destroy his stores which had been collected at infinite pains, but leaving guns, provisions and cattle to strengthen the hands of the enemy. The story of this disastrous retreat has been related too often to be repeated here; suffice it to say, that the loss of Ticonderoga was a bitter one to the Americans, and by many was looked upon as a vital one, while in England the news of its capture was received with transports of joy. Germaine with great -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 18 It would appear from Digby's Journal that the occupation of this hill by Burgoyne was disclosed during the night to St. Clair, by fires carelessly built, presumably by his Indian allies. It is remarkable that St. Clair's retreat on the next night was disclosed in a like manner, by a fire set carelessly at the head-quarters of General Roche De Fermoy, his French ally. Commenting on this latter incident. General De Peyster remarks, "that generally whenever the Americans were unsuccessful, a foreigner was mixed up in it." If Digby's presumption is correct, the English had like cause of complaint. The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 21 complacency announced the event in Parliament, "as if it had been decisive of the campaign and of the fate of the colonies," and King George when he heard of it was so elated, that he burst into the apartment of the queen exclaiming vociferously, "I have beat them! — beat all the Americans!"19 Burgoyne was triumphant, and on the l0th, celebrated his victory by a Thanksgiving, and ended the day with a feu de joie of artillery at Crown Point, Ticonderoga, Skenesborough and Castleton, and with this dramatic demonstration he closed the first act of his drama. On the next day he wrote to Germaine. "Your Lordship will pardon me if I a little lament that my orders do not give me the latitude I ventured to propose in my original project for the campaign, to make a real effort instead of a feint upon New England. As things have turned out, were I at liberty to march in force immediately by my left, instead of my right, I should have little doubt of subduing before winter the provinces where the rebellion originated."20 Feeling however obliged by his orders to force his way to Albany, he applied to Carleton to spare him a sufficient number of troops to garrison Ticonderoga, so that he might not be obliged to weaken his forces by leaving a portion behind for garrison duty; but -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 19 Vide Journal of the Reign of George the Third, (Walpole) London, 1859, vol. 2, p. 131. 20 Vide A State of the Expedition from Canada. 22 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. Carleton did not entertain his application favorably, and in spite of his urgent appeal for help, left him to solve the problem of the campaign unaided, as best he might. Preparations therefore for an advance were actively undertaken, but while they were going forward Schuyler was not idle. Calm and undismayed by his severe losses, he directed every effort toward obstructing the passage of his enemy southward. The keen axes of his skillful woodsmen soon laid the forests, which bordered the road leading from Skenesborough where Burgoyne lay, across the pathway of the advancing Britons. He destroyed bridges; blocked water-courses with boulders; stripped the country of subsistence, and drove the cattle away so as to leave nothing to sustain the invaders on their advance. Thus blocking the way between him and his enemy, he retreated southward and finally encamped his army near the junction of the Mohawk and Hudson. Here with his advanced outposts at Stillwater, he awaited coming events, strengthening by every means in his power his slowly increasing army. Burgoyne now began to face troubles which he had not calculated upon. The difficulty of getting supplies increased, and the labor required of his soldiers in removing obstructions from their path; building roads and bridges and getting their artillery forward, told upon them severely, so that his progress was slow. His Indian allies, discontented at being checked in their murderous career, began to The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 23 desert in considerable numbers, and these desertions, added to his losses in battle and by sickness, weakened his army seriously. While these troubles were at their height, a messenger arrived at his camp with news that St. Leger had reached Fort Schuyler, and he at once felt the necessity of a movement forward. He had been informed that the patriots had gathered at Bennington, horses, provisions and other stores of which he was in sore need, and that many loyalists in the vicinity were only awaiting a favorable opportunity to join his army. He therefore sent forward an expedition composed of Germans under General Baum, to attack Bennington and seize the stores there. By accomplishing this purpose he would not only obtain provisions, which he so much needed, and horses, which would enable him to mount his cavalry, but would be in a position to open the way for co-operation with St. Leger. The plan was an unwise one and he paid the penalty of his rashness. Baum's command was destroyed by Stark,21 and a body of troops under Breymann, sent -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 21 John Stark was born of Scotch parents at Londonderry, New Hampshire, August 28, 1728. When twenty-four years of age he was surprised while on a hunting expedition, by a body of St. Francis Indians and carried into captivity, but was ransomed by a friend. He served as a ranger in the French and Indian war, and was made a captain in 1756. He was a conspicuous figure at the battle of Bunker Hill. He was in command at Trenton and Princeton, and after the battle of Bennington, he enlisted a considerable force 24 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. to the support of the German commander, was driven back with the loss of guns, baggage, and every thing which could incumber flight. This blow fell heavily upon Burgoyne, who had begun the campaign as though he had an easy task before him, and had made himself somewhat ridiculous by bombastic proclamations, while success inspired the patriots with new hope, and their army grew apace while Burgoyne's constantly decreased. To add to his embarrassments, his Indians who had set out so enthusiastically under St. Luc, disheartened by the affair at Bennington, deserted him; still, his orders were to force a junction with Howe at Albany, and there seemed but one duty before him, and that duty was to push forward. On the 20th of August, four days after the defeat at Bennington, he wrote to Germaine.22 "The great bulk of the country is undoubtedly with Congress in principle and zeal; and their measures are executed with a secrecy and dispatch that are not to be equaled. Wherever the king's forces point, militia to the amount of three or four thousand assemble in twenty-four hours; they bring with them their subsistence, etc., and the alarm over, they return to their farms. The Hampshire Grants in particular, a country unpeopled and almost -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— and joined Gates, having been raised to the rank of major- general. He served with honor through the war, and, at its close, retired to private life. He died on May 8, 1822, and lies buried at Manchester, in his native State. 22 Vide A State of the Expedition. Appendix IX, p. 25. The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 25 unknown in the last war, now abounds in the most active and rebellious race of the continent, and hangs like a gathering storm on my left. In all parts the industry and management in driving cattle and removing corn are indefatigable and certain; and it becomes impracticable to move without portable magazines. Another most embarrassing circumstance is the want of communication with Sir William Howe. Of the messengers I have sent, I know of two being hanged, and am ignorant whether any of the rest arrived. The same fate has probably attended those dispatched by Sir William Howe, for only one letter is come to hand, informing me that his intention is for Pennsylvania; that Washington has detached Sullivan with two thousand five hundred men to Albany; that Putnam is in the Highlands with four thousand men. That after my arrival at Albany, the movements of the enemy must guide mine, but that he wished the enemy might be driven out of the province before any operation took place against the Connecticut; that Sir Henry Clinton remained in the command in the neighborhood of New York, and would act as occurrences might direct. No operation, my lord, has yet been undertaken in my favor; the Highlands have not even been threatened. Had I a latitude in my orders, I should think it my duty to wait in this position, or perhaps, as far back as Fort Edward, where my communication with Lake George would be perfectly secure, till some event happened to 26 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. assist my movement forward; but my orders being positive to 'force a junction with Sir William Howe,' I apprehend I am not at liberty to remain inactive longer than shall be necessary to collect twenty-five days' provision, and to receive the reinforcement of the additional companies, the German drafts and recruits now (and unfortunately only now) on Lake Champlain. The waiting the arrival of this reinforcement is of indispensable necessity, because from the hour I pass the Hudson's river and proceed toward Albany, all safety of communication ceases. I must expect a large body of the enemy from my left will take post behind me. When I wrote more confidently, I little foresaw that I was to be left to pursue my way through such a tract of country, and hosts of foes, without any co-operation from New York; nor did I then think the garrison of Ticonderoga would fall to my share alone, a dangerous experiment would it be to leave that post in weakness, and too heavy a drain it is upon the life blood of my force to give it due strength. I yet do not despond. — Should I succeed in forcing my way to Albany, and find that country in a state to subsist my army, I shall think no more of a retreat, but at the best fortify there and await Sir W. Howe's operations. "Whatever may be my fate, my lord, I submit my actions to the breast of the king, and to the candid judgment of my profession, when all the motives become public, and I rest in the confidence that what- The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 27 ever decision may be passed upon my conduct, my good intent will not be questioned. "I cannot close so serious a letter without expressing my fullest satisfaction in the behavior and countenance of the troops, and my complete confidence that in all trials they will do whatever can be expected from men devoted to their king and country." From this it will be seen that he fully realized the perils of his situation from a military point of view; that when he passed the Hudson his communication would inevitably be cut off, and that he could not depend upon the country for subsistence. He had at least expected that Carleton would relieve him to the extent of forwarding troops to hold Ticonderoga, that he might not be obliged to weaken his force by garrisoning that post; but even in this he was disappointed, and obliged to leave some of his most effective troops behind to hold the forts he had captured. But he had no choice to make. His orders were peremptory to push forward. Misfortunes never come singly it has been said, and Burgoyne soon had reason to realize the truth of the saying, for he had not recovered from the shock of his defeat at Bennington, when he learned of the defeat and flight of St. Leger. Thus was he left alone with his rapidly wasting army to meet the exultant forces of the patriots, and he looked anxiously for help toward the south. Where was Clinton, who was to have been sent by Howe from New York to co-operate with him? He had heard 28 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. nothing from that direction, and now sent a messenger in disguise to urge Clinton to hasten forward to his relief,23 at the same time gathering all the provisions possible for his army, and pushing on toward Albany. On the 11th of September his troops received orders to be in readiness to cross the Hudson, which they had reached, but heavy rains prevented them from so doing until the 13th, when they crossed on a bridge of boats. The hazard of thus severing communication with their base of operations was regarded with apprehension by his officers, and we know that Burgoyne himself fully comprehended the responsibility which he took in making the step, but it was a necessary one in the plan laid out for him, and in accordance with the key-note of the campaign — "This army must not retreat." Having crossed the river, he encamped on the heights and plains of Saratoga, where, like the excellent dramatist that he was, he completed the second act of his drama. Burgoyne did not linger in camp. Albany, where he was to meet Clinton, and where he had hoped also to have met St. Leger, had not his plans in connection with that officer gone -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 23 Clinton wrote, some days later: "There is a report of a messenger of yours to me having been taken, and the letter discovered in a double wooden canteen." Probably this was the messenger dispatched at this time, and one of the several which suffered death at the hands of their captors. Previous to this he had dispatched at least ten messengers at different times and by different routes to open a communication with Clinton. The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 29 awry, was his objective point, and on the 15th, his army in splendid array set out in three columns to the music of fife and drum, with standards fluttering in the breeze, gay uniforms and glittering arms, forming a pageant which was never forgotten by those who witnessed it, and which the imaginative may still depict with approximate accuracy. That night he encamped his army at Dovegat where it remained for two days, while the way was being cleared for the advance of his artillery. Realizing the dangers which surrounded him, his orders were strict. His troops lay upon their arms fully accoutred, and he issued orders that any soldier who passed beyond his advanced sentries should be instantly hung. As though they already felt the shadow of coming disaster, a strange silence suddenly fell upon his camp. It was remarked by the Americans that neither drum beat nor trumpet sounded within the British lines, perhaps because of the constant activity required in opening roads and getting forward baggage and supplies, with the fatigue consequent upon such exertions, or that their position might not be too well defined. General Gates had superseded Schuyler — an officer of superior merit — the loss of Ticonderoga having afforded the enemies of the latter an opportunity for a hearing by Congress, and his army blocked Burgoyne's path to Albany. The Americans had thrown up fortifications from the river bank back to the heights a mile away. On the 19th, Burgoyne having divided his army again into 30 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. three columns, himself led the center composed of English regiments toward the heights, while Riedesel and Phillips took the road by the river, and Fraser swept round to the west by the Quaker Springs road to join Burgoyne upon a clearing known as Freeman's Farm, near the American left wing, Burgoyne having ascertained by a reconnoissance that the American right occupied a position too strong for him to successfully attack. The march of the British was necessarily slow on account of the difficulties which they encountered, as it was often necessary to halt in order to remove trees and construct bridges over water-courses. Shortly after noon, Morgan began the action by attacking the advancing center, which being reinforced by Fraser compelled him to give way in confusion; but subsequently receiving reinforcements he renewed the conflict. The battle becoming general, Arnold, who had harassed the enemy continually on its advance, now engaged in conjunction with Morgan the combined divisions of Burgoyne and Fraser. Although they fought with desperate energy, the odds were against them, when Gates sent his tardy reinforcements to their support, and they were seemingly upon the point of victory when the artillery of Phillips forced them back toward their lines. The two armies were now face to face upon opposite slopes, and for a short space there was a lull in the storm of battle; but the struggle was soon resumed, and the tide of conflict ebbed and flowed, each side at times seeming near The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 31 victory, when at a critical juncture for the British, Riedesel came upon the field at double quick and with his well served artillery brought the battle to a close — the exhausted Americans falling back to their camp, carrying with them their wounded and prisoners. At this critical juncture, Fraser and Breymann quickly prepared to follow up the advantage thus gained, and were about to pursue and attack the Americans in their camp, when they were recalled by the prudent Burgoyne, much to their chagrin and that of the troops in their command, who were eager to follow. What the result of such a movement would have been, it is now impossible to calculate,24 but the failure of Burgoyne to follow up the advantage gained by Riedesel was made one of the many subjects of severe criticism against his management of the campaign. Burgoyne held the field and claimed a victory; but, says an eminent authority25 "As the intention of the Americans was not to advance, but to maintain their position, and that of the English not to maintain theirs, but to gain ground, it is easy to see which had the advantage of the day." The British army as it lay upon the field, was kept in constant alarm through the -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 24 General Schuyler, in his diary, says: " Had it not been for this order of the British general, the Americans would have been, if not defeated, at least held in such check as to have made it a drawn battle." 25 Colonel William L. Stone, in Burgoyne's campaign, Albany, 1877, p. 49. 32 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. night by parties of skirmishers from the patriot camp, and could get no rest. The irrepressible Arnold, who seemed never so happy as when breasting the infernal billows of carnage, urged Gates with all his eloquence to make a night attack, but was not listened to, and this difference of opinion resulting in angry words, Gates suspended his impulsive subordinate from command, an act which probably ignited that train of passion which finally destroyed the patriotism which had possessed his soul, and made room for the foul spirit of treason to brood in. On the following morning, his sick and wounded having been removed to the river bank in the rear of the army, Burgoyne formed his lines for a forward movement and awaited the lifting of the river fog, which hung like a veil between him and the American camp, when there occurred one of those singular events which apparently insignificant in themselves, are fraught with momentous consequences. General Fraser, who was his most trusted adviser and ever foremost in daring enterprise, suggested to Burgoyne that as the grenadiers who were to lead in the attack were fatigued by the duty of the previous day, it would be well to let them rest until the following morning, when they would be in a condition to advance with greater spirit. To this Burgoyne listened and recalled his orders, permitting his soldiers to return to camp, where they rested as well as they might under the circumstances. By this delay a messenger from Clinton was enabled to The Campaigns of Carleton aud Burgoyne. 33 reach him, bearing a letter in cypher with the cheering news that the fleet from the south was about to ascend the Hudson for his relief, and that the forts below Albany, which was now but about thirty miles from his camp, would be attacked on the 22d. This information completely changed his plans and perhaps the fate of his army, as he resolved to fortify his camp and to remain where he was until he received further news from Clinton, to whom he immediately sent back his messenger,26 informing him -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 26 Fonblanque tells us that "This communication was deposited in a hollow silver bullet, which the bearer was directed to deliver into the general's own hands. The man succeeded in making his way to Fort Montgomery, on the Hudson, where, in compliance with his inquiries for General Clinton, he was led into the presence, not of Sir Henry Clinton, but of a namesake, General Clinton of the American army, the late governor of New York. On discovering his mistake the unfortunate man swallowed the bullet, but an emetic being administered, the dispatch was discovered, and its bearer hanged as a spy." Vide Life of Burgoyne, p. 286 et seq. It is hardly probable that two incidents of pre- cisely the same nature could have occurred, yet there may be seen in the rooms of the New York Historical Society a copy of the identical dispatch, in the handwriting of Gov- ernor Clinton, which was taken from the silver bullet borne by the messenger who was hung, and this message was not from Burgoyne to Clinton, but from Clinton to Burgoyne, and bears date nearly three weeks later than the date of the message dispatched by Burgoyne. It is as follows : "FORT MONTGOMERY, October 8, 1777. "Nous y voici, and nothing now between us and Gates. I sincerely hope this little success of ours may facilitate your operations. In answer to your letter of the 28th 34 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. of his perilous situation, and urging his co-operation. This delay was of almost vital importance to the -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— September, by C. C, I shall only say, I cannot presume to order, or even advise, for reasons obvious. I heartily wish you success. "Faithfully yours, "Gen. BURGOYNE." "H.CLINTON." The bearer of this message was Sergeant Daniel Taylor, who, about noon on the l0th of October, rode into the camp of the American General Clinton and inquired for General Clinton, stating that he was a friend and wished to see him. Upon being conducted to his presence he saw his mistake, and hastily swallowed the bullet, which was of an oval form. The movement was noticed, and Dr. Moses Higby sent for, who administered an emetic, which caused him to throw up the bullet. He recovered it and succeeded in swallowing it a second time, and refused to again take an emetic; but Clinton threatened to hang him and find it with the surgeon's knife, when he yielded and again threw it up. On the 12th he was hung upon an apple tree near the church in the village of Kingston, during the conflagration of the village, which had been fired by Sir Henry Clinton's troops who had then reached there. This is substantialy the account given by Lossing and others, and can only be reconciled with Fonblanque's account, which is wholly based upon that of Lamb vide Journal of Occurrence, etc., p 162), by supposing the messenger sent by Burgoyne to Clinton on the night of the 21st of September, to have been Daniel Taylor. Learning subsequently the story of his fatal mistake and death, without knowing the date of its occurrence, Fonblanque supposed his capture to have taken place while he was on his way to Clinton instead of on his return to Burgoyne. We can only account for Taylor's error in mistaking the American for the British camp, by supposing that when Taylor left Sir Henry Clinton at Fort Montgomery, which that general had just captured from his namesake, he understood that Sir Henry was to immediately advance, and that meeting with insurmountable The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 35 Americans, as it enabled them to strengthen their position and to get forward much-needed reinforcements and war material; indeed, Wilkinson, who can never be accused of pessimism, took a rather despondent view of the situation of the American position at this moment of suspense when the patriots, anxiously peering through the fog, were awaiting the expected attack. He says:27 "We were badly fitted to defend works, or meet the close rencontre; the late hour at which the action closed the day before; the fatigue of officers and men, and the defects of our organization had prevented our left wing from drawing ammunition, and we could not boast of more than a bayonet for every three muskets; the fog obscured every object at the short distance of twenty yards. We passed an hour of awful expectation and suspense, during which, hope, fear and anxiety played on the imagination." But Burgoyne waited in vain. On the 22d and 23d, to make sure that Clinton should receive a knowledge of his situation, he dispatched officers in disguise to him, with an urgent request to hasten to his -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— difficulties which delayed him, and supposing Sir Henry to have gotten ahead of him, he thought it proper to report in person to the author of the message the particulars of his delay; otherwise it would have been a useless performance for Taylor to have sought Sir Henry Clinton's presence. Unless we adopt such an explanation there would seem to be no reason for the act. 27 Vide Memoirs of My Own Times, Phila., 1816, vol. I, p. 250. 36 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. aid, and on the 27th and 28th sent two other mes- sengers on the same errand.28 The 5th of October arrived; the season was advancing; his army was on short allowance and some movement must be made. He now convened a council of his officers to consider the situation. Riedesel wisely advised him to fall -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 28 The dispatch sent on the 23d reached Clinton on the 5th of October. The officer dispatched on the 27th was Captain Thomas Scott of the Fifty-third regiment, who has left a journal recounting the perils through which he passed. After eleven days of travel, he was told by a man whom he met that Sir Henry Clinton was in possession of Fort Montgomery, and he turned his weary steps thitherward, reaching the fort on the 9th, and safely delivering his dispatch to Clinton. On the 10th, he departed northward with the expedition of Clinton to Kingston, reaching it on the 12th, at which time it was fired by the British while the execution of poor Taylor was taking place. From here he started to reach Burgoyne, but after encountering great perils and learning of Burgoyne's surrender, he made his way back and finally reached Clinton in safety. The officer dispatched on the 28th was Captain Alexander Campbell of the Sixty-second regiment, who made his way safely through the American lines and delivered his dispatch to Clinton at Fort Montgomery on the 5th of October, the day upon which the dispatch of the 23d reached its destination. Campbell set out immediately on his return, and eluding the vigilance of the Americans reached Burgoyne's camp on the night of the 16th, after the terms of the surrender had been agreed upon, but before the articles had been signed. It was the cheering news which he bore of Clinton's advance up the Hudson, which for a moment rekindled Burgoyne's waning hope and caused him to reconsider the terms of surrender which he had agreed upon. Captain Campbell was one of the officers who surrendered, and after much service, and passing the intervening grades of rank, became a general in the British army January 1, 1812. The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 37 back to Fort Edward and there await the expected aid from the south, but Burgoyne hesitated. His position was daily becoming more critical. An officer whom Gates had allowed to return to his camp, brought news of an attack by the Americans in his rear upon Ticonderoga, an attack, which though unsuccessful, had resulted in the capture of a portion of the Fifty-third regiment with one of his brigs and a bateau: indeed, he realized that he was being cut off from his base of operations. The wolves, attracted by the bodies of the slain exposed by partial burial, made night hideous by continual howlings, which added to the alarms pervading his camp day and night on account of threatened or attempted attacks, destroyed all repose, the loss of which told upon the strength and spirits of his men. He now resolved to make a reconnoissance in force, and if he found the Americans too strong, to fall back as advised. On the 7th of October, selecting fifteen hundred men, with Riedesel, Phillips and Fraser, himself assuming command, he formed this force in line of battle in a field within three-quarters of a mile of the American left wing, intending to test the possibility of forcing a passage, and if he found this to be impracticable, he deemed it probable that his enemy by a vigorous attack could be dislodged, which would greatly favor his retreat. But the Americans were awaiting this movement of their foes with anxious impatience, and Gates was soon made aware of the movement in front, by the 38 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. drumbeat to arms, which was caught up and repeated until it reached him at his head-quarters in the rear. Wilkinson, his dashing adjutant, then but a mere youth, was at once dispatched to learn the cause of the alarm, and soon returned, reporting the nature of the movement and advising an attack. To this advice Gates replied: "Well, then, order on Morgan to begin the game.29 Making a detour through the wood, Morgan attained a ridge above Fraser — who with five hundred men was posted so as to be able to attack the American left — from whence he fell upon him with terrible fury, while simultaneously an attack was made by General Poor on the British left, and Learned held the center composed of Germans in check. So impetuous was the onslaught of Morgan, that Fraser's command, composed of the flower of the army, gave way, though Fraser himself was ubiquitous, inspiring his men at every point by word and example. Morgan then, with his usual celerity of movement, fell upon the flank of the British right, causing it to waver, when Dearborn30 with his New -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 29 Vide Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. I, p. 268. 30 Henry Dearborn was born at Hampton, New Hampshire, March, 1751. He was one of the first to receive a captain's commission in the continental army, and participated in the battle of Bunker Hill in June, 1775. When the expedition for the invasion of Canada was organized, he was one of the foremost to take part in it, and in the assault on Quebec was made prisoner, but in May, 1776, was liberated by the magnanimous Carleton. He was immediately after his liberation promoted to a majority, and subsequently to a The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 39 England troops, fell upon the front with such effect as to shatter it to fragments. The Americans now attacked the center with all their force, and for awhile the Germans sustained the brunt of the battle unmoved. Arnold, although deprived of his command by Gates, was a controlling spirit in the conflict and fought on his own account, appearing everywhere at the proper moment to turn the tide in favor of the Americans. Seizing at this moment the command of two brigades, he led them to the assault, and although the Germans stood firm for a while, in the end he succeeded in completely routing them. Fraser, who had been the most conspicuous figure in the conflict, had fallen mortally wounded -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— lieutenant-colonelcy in Scammel's regiment, succeeding that officer in command at his death. He took a prominent part in the battles of Saratoga and Monmouth, and witnessed the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown. After the war he removed to the district of Maine, and in 1789, was appointed by President Washington marshal of the district. He served two terms in Congress and was secretary of war under President Jefferson in 1801, which office he retained for eight years, when he received the appointment of collector of customs at the port of Boston. When the War of 1812 with Great Britain broke out, he was created senior major-general, and at once entered active service, capturing York in Upper Canada, and Fort George at the mouth of the Niagara. Subsequently he was in command of the military district of New York. At the close of the war, he resigned his commission and was appointed minister to Portugal, which office he retained for two years when he resigned. On the 6th of June, 1829, he died at Roxbury, Masssachusetts. 40 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. by one of Morgan's sharpshooters,31 and Burgoyne had taken his place, exposing himself recklessly to the fire of the American riflemen. He seemed to see the shadow of coming disaster, and paid little heed to the urgent appeals of his officers not to expose himself unnecessarily. Thus the fight continued, until seeing his troops everywhere giving way, Burgoyne ordered a retreat, and the British fell back within their lines abandoning their artillery. Although Arnold as before stated was without a command, he placed himself at the head of a body of Americans, and under a consuming fire assaulted the works of the enemy from right to left. With the fury of a madman he attacked the great redoubt, and driving -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 31 During the battle Fraser was everywhere, inspiring the troops by word and example. He rode a gray horse and was a conspicuous object. Arnold had noticed him from time to time, and knowing how important a factor he was in the conflict, he approached Morgan and said: "That officer upon a gray horse is of himself a host, and must be disposed of. Direct the attention of some of the sharpshooters among your riflemen to him." Morgan immediately selected several of his best riflemen, among whom was Timothy Murphy, a famous shot, and called their attention to the heroic rider of the gray charger, saying: "That gallant officer is General Fraser. I admire and respect him, but it is necessary that he should die; take your stations in that wood and do your duty." In a moment a bullet severed the crupper of the general's horse, and then another cut through his horse's mane. "Sir" said his aid, "It is evident that you are marked out for particular aim; would it not be prudent for you to retire from this place?" "My duty forbids me to fly from danger," replied Fraser, and immediately fell, drooping upon his horse's neck, mortally wounded. The deadly bullet of Tim Murphy had done its cruel work. The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 41 the infantry of Balcarres from an abattis within, he dashed to the left, regardless of the fiery storm which swept his path, and taking the lead of Learned's brigade attacked the Germans on their right flank, killing General Breymann and taking the key of the British position. As the Germans retreated they fired a parting volley, killing his horse and wounding him severely in the leg. With the approach of darkness the conflict came to an end, and with it Burgoyne's last hope of success. The next morning Fraser, who was the idol of his brother officers as well as of all grades of the army even to the camp followers, died, and Burgoyne who was deeply affected by his loss, remained within his lines during the day. At sunset, in accordance with his friend's request, Burgoyne buried him with the most impressive solemnity on a hill within the great redoubt. A retreat was immediately ordered, and at nine o'clock the British stole away in the darkness, drenched to the skin by one of those cold, driving storms so common to the autumnal season in this latitude. His wounded and sick he left behind, confiding them to the tender mercy of his enemy. Through the darkness and the storm, the beaten but brave army pursued its weary march northward, Burgoyne intending to push it across the Hudson, so as to resume communication at Battenkill with Lake George and Canada. Two hours before daybreak, the almost exhausted troops reached Dovegat, where Burgoyne called a halt against the 6 42 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. advice of his officers, who urged him to press on. By this halt he lost valuable time, as the heights of Saratoga which commanded the Fish creek ford was only occupied by a small force of Americans, and he might have reached the place and crossed the Hudson without serious opposition. As it was however, Wilkinson says that when "the front of Burgoyne's army reached Saratoga the rear of our militia was ascending the opposite bank of Hudson's river, where they took post and prevented its passage.32 After a two hours' halt, Burgoyne moved his army from Dovegat across Fish creek where it encamped on the opposite bank, while he remained on the south side, taking possession of General Schuyler's mansion, in which he passed the night.33 The next morning -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 32 Vide Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. I, p. 282. 33 Every writer upon this subject hitherto, has charged Burgoyne with spending this night in revelry, and even his biographer, Fonblanque, who would present him to us in favorable light, fails to examine critically the evidence upon which this charge rests, and leaves us with the unpleasant impression of Burgoyne's criminal frivolity still upon our minds. The original evidence of this charge appears to be a statement made by Madame Riedesel, a lady who held Burgoyne in condemnation, but whom we must allow to have been above doing an intentional injustice even to one whom she condemned. The halt had been called and Burgoyne had taken possession of Schuyler's deserted house, when General Phillips informed Madame Riedesel somewhat sarcastically, that Burgoyne intended to spend the night there and give them a supper, and she continues, "In this latter achievement, especially, General Burgoyne was very fond of indulging. He spent half of the nights in The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 43 Burgoyne became aware that the Americans were in possession of the heights on the opposite side of the river, and finding it impossible to cross in the face of -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— singing and drinking and amusing himself with the wife of a commissary, who was his mistress, and who, as well as he, loved champagne." By this passage, if carefully read, it does not appear that Madame Riedesel alludes to this particular night when they were all in such a distressing situation, but in a general way to numerous nights, and as she was not prepossessed in favor of Burgoyne, she probably made her statement as explicit as an adherence to truth would permit her to make it. In "The German Auxiliaries in America," we find the account as follows: "While the army were suffering from cold and hunger, and every one was looking forward to the immediate future with apprehension, Schuyler's house was illuminated, and rang with singing, laughter, and the jingling of glasses. There Burgoyne was sitting, with some merry companions, at a dainty supper, while the champagne was flowing. Near him sat the beautiful wife of an English commissary, his mistress. Great as the calamity was, the frivolous general still kept up his orgies. Some were of the opinion that he had made that inexcusable stand merely for the sake of passing a merry night." Writers upon this subject have adopted this account, inferring that it is original, when it is only Madame Riedesel's dressed up by a reckless writer. Given Burgoyne's fondness for a merry supper and the commissary's wife, with Phillips' sarcastic remark relative to the halt, which he disapproved of, and we have all the elements of this improbable if not impossible story. That a man situated as Burgoyne then was, would halt his exhausted and half-famished army, and that too in a position which imperiled its very existence, as well as his own, for the express purpose of having a dainty supper and an hour's dalliance with his mistress, is too much to believe without the most explicit statements of a truthful eye-witness, and for the sake of humanity we are glad that no such evidence exists. This however is by no means a singular instance of a fiction growing out of the careless reading of a truthful statement. 44 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne, such a force, took post on the ground he had occupied on the 13th of September, on the heights of Saratoga. He now resolved to continue his retreat up the west bank of the Hudson, and sent forward a force to clear his way to Fort Edward; but to his dismay, his men came hastily back with the news that it was garrisoned by the Americans. Gates, who had waited for the storm to cease, advanced on the l0th, and late in the afternoon encamped south of Fish creek. Being misled by the departure of Burgoyne's expedition to clear a way to Fort Edward into the belief that his army was retreating, he ordered an attack to be made early in the morning on what he supposed to be a guard left to protect the baggage, and returned to his head-quarters a mile and a half in the rear. Burgoyne becoming aware of this, prepared a trap which would have resulted disastrously to the Americans had it not been opportunely discovered, greatly to his chagrin, for he afterwards denominated it "One of the most adverse strokes of fortune during the campaign."34 And where was Clinton? -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 34 Wilkinson gives a graphic account of this movement. He says Gates had the night before given the following order: " 'The army will advance at reveille to-morrow morn- ing, Morgan s corps to keep the heights on the left, and the main body to march on the great road near the river.' I could not approve of this movement, and the general required my objections. I was of opinion 'that he would commit himself to the enemy in their strong position.' He replied 'that they were already on the retreat, and would be miles ahead of us before morning.' I answered, 'that he The Campaigns of Carle ton and Burgoyne. 45 He had started on his expedition up the Hudson most grandly; had attacked and taken Forts Montgomery and Clinton,35 and having removed obstructions, -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— had no assurance of this, and that I had just left their guards on post;' and went on to observe, 'that, with submission, I conceived we ought to reconnoiter before the army marched; because, should we, contrary to his calculation, explore our way through a dense fog, and fall in with the enemy posted behind their intrenchments, the consequences might be destructive.' These observations appeared to have weight with the general, and he ordered me to rise early to attend to the movement, and report to him; but he would not give up the opinion that the enemy had retreated, and observed,' it was natural that they should sacrifice guards to conceal their movements.' " Wilkinson was up, and riding to the front, found Morgan already on the move, and that he had been fired upon by a picket. He hastened to Gates, and was instructed to order Patterson and Learned to support Morgan. Just then he says, the order came from Gates: " 'That the troops must immediately cross the creek, or return to their camp.' I felt the critical importance of the movement we were making in the dark, for the fog still continued; I feared the consequences, trembled for my general, and was vexed at his absence. In this tumult of the passions, I returned an hasty answer: 'Tell the general that his own fame and the interests of the cause are at hazard; that his presence is necessary with the troops.' " They had reached the creek, when he continues: "Our horses had halted to drink, and, in leaning down on the neck of my own, I cast my eyes up to the opposite bank, and through the fog discerned a party of men in motion." This led to the discovery that the British army was awaiting them with its artillery ready to pour destruction into their ranks. The discovery was however made in time to prevent the advancing troops from being caught in the dangerous trap which the British general had set for them. Vide Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. I, pp. 285-289. 35 Forts Clinton and Montgomery were placed on contiguous heights, the former one hundred and eighty feet above 46 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. had apparently opened a path to Albany; but after burning Kingston and sacking a few of the stately mansions near the river, he quietly returned to New York leaving Burgoyne to his fate. The position of that general was now desperate, his army being constantly under fire on its flanks, in front and rear. He was even cut off from a supply of water although so near the river, as the sharpshooters prevented his soldiers from getting any by day or night. A council was now called and five propositions laid before it. General Riedesel advised the adoption of the fourth, which was to leave the artillery and baggage, and following the west side of the Hudson, to cross the river four miles above Fort Edward, then garrisoned by the Americans, and to continue the retreat to Ticonderoga leaving Lake George to the right. Burgoyne adopted the proposal of Riedesel, which was a wise one had the way then been open, and he had every thing made ready for the march, when he learned by scouts that the Americans were intrenched opposite the ford which he would have to cross, and that parties were posted along the shore -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— the river, and were constructed in 1775-6. Fort Montgomery was large enough to accommodate eight hundred, and Clinton four hundred men, and both were built of stones and earth. Below them the river was obstructed by a strong boom and massive iron chain, the latter eighteen hundred feet in length, buoyed by spars and timber rafts. These obstructions were the result of a recommendation in a report of a commission to Congress, of which General Knox of Maine was one. BritishInvasion-46b.jpg The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 47 to watch his every movement. Worn out, without food or shelter, what could be done? A night of suffering and suspense fell upon the devoted army, and under the cover of the darkness, the Americans crossed the river and completely blocked the way before him. Seeing that all hope was gone, on the 13th, he again called a council of his generals, who unanimously decided to at once open a treaty with General Gates for a surrender. Even while they deliberated, their tent was perforated with rifle balls, and an eighteen-pound shot swept across the table at which they were seated. On the 14th, Burgoyne sent Lieutenant-Colonel Kingston to the camp of Gates with a proposal for a "cessation of arms" pending negotiations for a surrender. This was acceded to, and on the 15th articles of "convention," as Burgoyne desired to call them, were finally agreed to. These articles were to receive his signature on the morning of the 16th, when news reached him of the taking of the forts on the Hudson by Clinton, and of the probability of his presence there at this time with his forces. He at once called a council of his officers to see if he could get their support in breaking the agreement with Gates. They decided that he could not do so with honor However, he resorted to a pretext, and sent word to Gates that he could not sign the articles unless convinced that the American army outnumbered his own by at least three or four to one, as he had heard that he 48 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. had sent a part of his army to Albany during the negotiations, which was contrary to good faith. This Gates denied and asserted on his honor that his army had not been divided in order to relieve Albany, and was even stronger than when negotiations were entered into. He moreover drew up his army in order of battle on the dawn of the 17th, and gave Burgoyne to understand that he must sign the articles of convention or prepare for battle. His generals urging him, Burgoyne at nine o'clock on the 17th of October, finally placed his reluctant signature to the important paper, which placed his army as prisoners in the power of a lately despised foe. At eleven o'clock, the splendid army which had left Canada a few months before, now shattered and disheartened, laid down its arms and prepared for its sad march to Boston where it was to embark for England. Burgoyne in full court dress upon which he had bestowed great care, was presented to Gates, who was dressed in a plain blue overcoat, and after the introduction, the captive generals proceeded to the head-quarters of Gates, where they were received by the American generals with proper courtesy. Riedesel immediately sent for his brave and lovely wife, his constant companion in so many trying scenes, who came at once with their children and was taken charge of by General Schuyler, who arranged every thing possible for the comfort of herself and helpless charge. The English and German generals dined in the tent of Gates; compliments were passed and healths drunken in The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 49 strange contrast to the scenes of a short time before. As the dinner ended, the captive army began its march to Boston, while Burgoyne in the presence of the two armies drew his sword and presented it to Gates, who receiving it with a courteous salute, returned it immediately to his vanquished foe, who thus closed the third act in his picturesque but tragic drama.36 But another act must be added, and one fraught with momentous interest to Burgoyne. By the articles of convention which he had just signed, he and his troops were to embark at Boston on transports to be sent there by his government. This was a convenient port for the captive army to reach, and it probably did not occur to either Burgoyne or Gates that it could be other than a convenient one for embarkation. Had Burgoyne objected to it. Gates would probably have yielded to his views, as he had become alarmed at the information which had reached him of Clinton's progress up the Hudson, and desired to bring the negotiations to a speedy conclusion. We shall see that in selecting Boston as his port of embarkation, Burgoyne was most unfortunate. After a tedious march, his troops divided into two columns under guard of a force of Americans reached Boston on November the sixth, where they were quartered in barracks; the Germans on Winter, and the -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 36 Vide Journal of Occurrences during the Late American War, etc. (Lamb), Dublin, 1809, p. 167; A State of the Expedition, etc., Appendix XV. 7 50 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. British on Prospect Hill, while quarters were provided for the officers in Cambridge and adjoining towns. Wilkinson was dispatched by Gates to convey the good news of the surrender and the articles of convention to Congress, but was delayed on the way by illness, and the news arrived some time before he was able to present them in person.37 He found that copies of the articles had already preceded him, and that a variety of opinions prevailed respecting them. Gates being openly blamed for the too liberal concessions which had been granted to a foe, who it was claimed, was wholly in his power; indeed, Wilkinson found it necessary to defend the action of his chief, by showing that he had been obliged to concede many points under the pressure of Clinton's advance, which at the time was threatening. Washington had received news of the surrender, but not from Gates, who only mentioned it to him incidentally in a letter more than two weeks after the fact,38 and he at once saw that if -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 37 Vide A State of the Expedition, Appendix XV, XVII. 38 Lord Mahon remarking upon this inexcusable slight of Washington says, that he "evinced his usual magnanimity. He felt, he could but feel, the slights put upon him at this period, both by his superiors and by his subordinate, by the Congress and by General Gates. But he allowed no word of unworthy complaint to fall from him." His letter to Gates was characteristic. He congratulated him in frank and generous terms, but in closing alluded to the unworthy act of his subordinate in the following manly words: "At the same time, I cannot but regret that a matter of such magnitude, and so interesting to our general operations, should have reached me by report only, or through the channel of letters not bearing that authenticity which the The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne, 51 the captive troops were enabled to embark so as to reach England during the winter, nothing in the convention would prevent the British government from assigning them to garrison duty, thereby relieving a corresponding number of troops, who might join in the spring campaign against the colonies. He promptly called attention to this fact, and in reply to Heath's urgent request to facilitate their removal as soon as possible,39 on account of the great -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— importance of it required, and which it would have received by a line under your signature stating the simple fact." And subsequently to a friend he wrote: "It is to be hoped that all will yet end well. If the cause is advanced, it is indifferent to me where or in what quarter it happens." Shortly after, LaFayette wrote him alluding to the effort which Gates was making to supplant him. "When I was in Europe, I thought that here almost every man was a lover of liberty. You can conceive my astonishment when I saw that Toryism was as apparently professed as Whigism itself. There are open dissensions in Congress; parties who hate one another as much as the common enemy; men who, without knowing any thing about war, undertake to judge you and to make ridiculous comparisons. They are infatuated with Gates, without thinking of the difference of circumstances, and believe that attacking is the only thing necessary to conquer." Fortunately for the cause, the animus of Washington's enemies became apparent and their schemes came to nought. Vide History of England by Lord Mahon, London, 1858, vol. 6, p. 193; Sparks' Life of Washington, vol. 5, p. 124 et seq.; Letter to Patrick Henry, ibid., p. 147; Marquis de LaFayette, to Washington, Dec. 30, 1777. 39 Washington's exact words are as follows: "As you have wrote to Congress respecting the difficulty of supplying the prisoners of General Burgoyne's army with quarters, fuel and provisions, I imagine they will give proper directions in the matter. I do not think it to our interest to expedite 52 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. burden which they would be to the distressed inhabitants of Boston, he reminded him that it would be impolitic to hasten their departure, going so far indeed as to advise that they should not be furnished with, nor allowed to purchase provisions in the country for their voyage home. He also suggested that Burgoyne would probably apply to have the place of embarkation changed to a port farther south, as the transports would hardly be able to make the port of Boston so late in the season, but this, he said, could not be asked as a matter of right, since the passage of the prisoners to England; for you may depend upon it that they will, immediately upon their arrival there, throw them into different garrisons, and bring out an equal number. Now, if they sail in December, they may arrive time enough to take the places of others who may be out in May, which is as early as a campaign can be well entered upon. I look upon it that their principal difficulty will arise from the want of provisions for the voyage; and, therefore, although I would supply them with every article agreeable to stipulation, I would not furnish an ounce for sea store, nor suffer it to be purchased in the country." In considering this last clause in Washington's letter, one should bear in mind the great scarcity of provisions then prevailing in the country; indeed, the question of the subsistence of his own troops was one which caused him constant anxiety. In this same letter he says: "The present state of the commissary's department gives me great uneasiness," and somewhat later, "the state of the commissary's department has given me more concern of late than any thing else. Unless matters in that line are speedily taken up and put in a better train, the most alarming consequences are to be apprehended." Moreover, it was but proper that provisions for the sea voyage should be furnished from the magazines of General Howe. Vide Washington's Letters to Heath, Part I, pp. 77-79. The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 53 Boston was the only port agreed upon, and should not be granted as a favor, since it would prove of disadvantage to the American cause40 This view of the case was also communicated to Congress, and served as the key-note to all its subsequent action in the premises. Application was made to change the place of embarkation to Newport, but permission was not granted. Occasions soon arose to complicate affairs. It had been stipulated that subsistence should be supplied to Burgoyne's men at the same cost as to the American troops in the vicinity. One dollar in specie was at this time equivalent to about three dollars in continental currency, yet Congress gave orders that General Heath should demand payment in specie. This would have been well enough if the price had been estimated at the specie value, but naturally, values were adjusted to the currency of the country. The question was too simple it would seem for discussion, since it depended wholly upon a fact, namely, whether prices were calculated at the currency value or not; and yet Burgoyne whose expenses were $20,000 a week, was asked to pay for his supplies a sum in gold, which changed into the currency of the country would purchase nearly three times the quantity which he received. This was certainly -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 40 Vide Sparks' Life of Washington, vol. 5, pp. 144, 147. 54 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. unfair, and cannot be adjusted to any system of ethics with which we are conversant. It is but just however to Washington to say, that he protested against this exaction, which he said would "destroy the idea of a cartel."41 Another question was raised which was reasonable and sufficient. Burgoyne was in arrears for his supplies, since it was no easy matter at this time to get remittances from England, and he was given to understand that he would not be permitted to embark until all indebtedness was canceled, "by an actual deposit of the money."42 All these obstructions to his plans caused him anxiety and awakened indignation which he did not hesitate to express. Various annoyances arose. Descriptive lists of his officers and men were demanded, that a proper record might be made for future use, a demand which he denominated an insult to his nation, but finally acceded to. An inquiry was also instituted relative to the colors of the regiments, the military chest, etc., which were not found in the return by General Gates of property delivered him by Burgoyne in accordance with the articles of convention. This was a proper inquiry, and it was resolved fairly enough, that the embarkation was not to be delayed on account of it. The inquiry was directed to Gates, who replied that the custom during the last war had been for the -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 41 Vide Sparks' Life of Washington, vol. 5, p. 307. 42 Vide Washington's Letter to Congress, Dec. 14, 1777, in Sparks' Life, vol. 5, p. 187. The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 55 military chest to be kept in some secure town by the paymaster-general, upon whom warrants were granted, and that "from the best accounts, the enemy's army had been lately cleared off; so that it is not probable there was any military chest." With respect to the colors, he affirmed that General Burgoyne declared upon his honor, that his regimental colors were left in Canada. These last inquiries arose from "suspicions that the convention had not been strictly complied with on the part of General Burgoyne, agreeable to its true spirit, and the intention of the contracting parties."43 We shall see that these suspicions had a basis in fact. Indeed, General Wilkinson intimates that Gates was cognizant of this in spite of his reply to Congress, as he wished to shield himself from blame as far as possible, on account of his loose dealing in the matter.44 Madame Riedesel states in her journal, that the colors of the German regiments were secreted in her bed, and were afterward sent in the mattress of an officer to Halifax where her husband subsequently found them.45 Of the English colors, it is not to be supposed that they were left in Canada. The colors of the Sixty-second regiment were on the field on the 19th of September,46 and we have an -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 43 Vide Journals of Congress, Jan. 8, 1778, p. 42. 44 Vide Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. I, p. 303 et seq. 45 Vide Letters and Journals of Madame Riedesel, Albany, 1869 (Stone), p. 143 et seq. 46 Vide Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. I, p. 304. 56 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. interesting account of the colors of the Ninth, which were concealed in the baggage of Lieutenant- Colonel Hill, and were by him presented to the king upon his return home.47 How Burgoyne could have stated that they were left in Canada is inexplicable. Had this concealment of the colors been known at the time, it would have afforded good ground for Congress to declare the convention broken; as it was, it had no proof whatever of the matter, and it was doubtless believed that they had been burnt by those having them in custody, that they might not become trophies to the enemy; hence, the matter of these inquiries relative to the concealment of property, which rightfully should have been delivered to Gates at the surrender, afforded no ground whatever for Congress to detain the convention prisoners. Doubtless an impression prevailed in this season of exaggerated sentiment, when suspicion, jealousy and prejudice necessarily held sway, that if the convention prisoners were allowed to return to England, they would break their paroles and re-enter the service against the colonies, an impression which was unreasonable and unworthy of indulgence. We know, that even Congress did not hesitate to openly charge "former frauds in the conduct of our enemies," which caused Burgoyne to declare his "consternation in finding the British honor in treaties impeached." -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 47 Vide Historical Record of the Ninth Foot (Cannon), p. 32 et seq. The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 57 Every utterance of the British general was carefully scanned, and a letter which he wrote to General Gates served to strengthen the impression spoken of. In this letter, dated November 14th, complaining of the quarters which had been assigned to his troops and which were undoubtedly quite unfit for them, he used these words: "While I state to you, sir, this very unexpected treatment, I entirely acquit M. Gen. Heath and every gentleman of the military department of any inattention to the publick faith engaged in the convention. They do what they can, but while the supreme powers of the State are unable or unwilling to enforce their authority, and the inhabitants want the hospitality or indeed the common civilization to assist us without it, the publick faith is broke and we are the immediate sufferers."48 These words, "the publick -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 48 Vide Lieutenant-General John Burgoyne and the Convention of Saratoga, p. 35, by Charles Deane, LL. D., Worcester, 1878, to which the reader is referred for an able statement of the subject. The connection of Gates with the efforts being made to evade the obligations of the convention has not heretofore been especially noticed. While his position, being a party to the compact, rendered it proper that he should at least remain neutral, we find that he was active in suggesting pretexts for an evasion of that compact. A letter of his to General Washington under date of November 23d, has been published, in which he says: "If General Burgoyne has any sinister design, what I suggested to Congress in my letter of the l0th instant, a copy of which I conclude your excellency has received, will be a good method of delaying, if not final preventing, the execution of his project." The letter of the l0th of November here alluded to, though often sought for without success, was recently placed in my hands by the kindness of Mr. A. R. 8 58 The Campaigns of Car let on and Burgoyne, faith is broke" were immediately caught up as a notice from Burgoyne that he considered the terms of the convention broken, and although he denied any such intention, and even offered to re-affirm them by the signatures of his officers if desired so to do, he was not listened to, but Congress resolved that these words indicated his intention and afforded "just grounds of fear," that he would "avail himself of such pretended breach of the convention, in order to disengage himself and the army under him of the obligations they are under to these United States; and that the security which these States have had in his personal honor is hereby destroyed," and they further resolved to suspend the embarkation "till a distinct and explicit ratification of the convention of Saratoga shall be properly notified by the Court of Great Britain."49 This requirement. Congress must have -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— Spofford, the librarian of Congress, and by it we see what General Gates considered "a good method" of delaying, "if not final preventing" the fulfillment of the terms of the convention. He says "It has occurr'd to me, that should Sir William Howe still Obstinately refuse to settle an equitable Cartel, for the Exchange of Prisoners, that Congress would be Justified, in Ordering the fulfiling the Convention of Saratoga to be delayed, until the United States received Justice in that particular. At any rate, there will be very few of Genl. Burgoyne's soldiers to Embark, as most of the Germans, and a great many of the British, have deserted upon their march towards Boston, and numbers more will yet Desert." This letter was directed to the president of Congress, and the original is in the State department at Washington. 49 Vide Journal of Congress, Jan. 8, 1777, p. 43. The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 59 known the British government could not comply with. For it to have ratified the convention formally would have been to recognize the colonies as belligerents, which was tantamount to a recognition of their independence; yet Sir Henry Clinton went so far as to offer by authority of the crown, a renewal of all the obligations of the convention, an offer which was not accepted. It had evidently been determined to detain the captured army as prisoners of war. The severe strain to which Burgoyne had been subjected had seriously impaired his health, and he obtained leave to return to England on parole, agreeing to return whenever Congress demanded it. He took passage home on the Grampus sloop of war from Newport, Rhode Island, on April 20th, 1778, and landed at Portsmouth, England, on May 13th. Before leaving, he paid in specie a large sum for supplies to his troops on their march from Saratoga which General Glover50 had advanced in Continental -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 50 John Glover was born in Salem November 5, 1732. While a young man, he with three brothers removed to Marblehead, where for a while he practiced his trade of shoemaking; but being ambitious to advance his fortunes, he embarked in mercantile business and became one of the leading merchants of the province. He was early in life interested in military affairs, and in 1759, was ensign in Captain Read's company of militia; in 1762, a lieutenant in Captain Orne's company, and in 1773, a captain in Colonel Fowle's regiment. At the beginning of the war he was made colonel of a regiment called Glover's Marblehead regiment, the uniform of which consisted of a blue jacket and trousers adorned with leather buttons. On the 22d of June, 1775, he was ordered with his regiment to Cambridge. On the 1st 60 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. currency, and in order to avoid the unfair exactions imposed upon him, of paying in specie for supplies to the troops left behind, he arranged to repay in kind for supplies advanced to them by the American commander. Provisions were to be shipped from the British commissary department on transports, which were to be allowed to enter Boston and depart from it unmolested. A large sum was left in pledge for the performance of this contract, and the provisions were regularly shiped for the maintenance of the troops; but advantage was taken here, and great expense was incurred in handling and storing the supplies after their arrival, payment for which was demanded -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— of January, 1776, Glover's regiment was reorganized as the Fourteenth Continental regiment, and on the 9th of August, joined Sullivan's brigade at New York. After the battle of Long Island, Glover's regiment of sailors and fishermen, succeeded by their skill in transporting the army in vessels and boats safety across the river, " This extraordinary retreat," says Washington Irving, "which, in silence and celerity, equaled the midnight fortifying of Bunker's Hill, was one of the most signal achievements of the war, and redounded greatly to the reputation of Washington. It may be truly said, that by Glover's efforts the army was saved from destruction. On the 23d of February, 1777, Glover was created a brigadier-general, and in the succeeding summer sailed with his brigade to reinforce Schuyler at Saratoga. In the arduous service which followed, Glover's brigade was one of the most efficient, and suffered severe loss. At the battle of October 7th, Glover had three horses shot under him. His brigade formed part of Washington's army at Valley Forge, and in June, 1778, Glover assumed command of Fort Arnold near West Point. From this time he was in active service until July, 1782, when owing to failing health, the result of exposure and The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 61 in specie, although General Heath51 paid the expense in currency, of which at this time it took about four dollars to equal the value of one dollar in gold. General Heath called the attention of Congress to this unfair exaction, but it was promptly resolved to continue it; so that after all, not much was saved by the British government in this attempt to victual the convention prisoners. This condition of affairs, however, could not continue indefinitely, and finding that there was no prospect that the American -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— hardship, he retired on half pay. His death took place January 30, 1797. Vide Pictorial Field-Book of the Revolution, New York, 1855, vol. II, pp. 34, 606, 609, 128, et passim. History and Traditions of Marblehead, Boston, 1880, pp. 117, et seq., 140-153, 157, et passim. 51 William Heath was born in 1737, in Roxbury, Massachusetts, where his ancestors had settled in 1636. He says of himself that he was "of the fifth generation of the family who have inherited the same real estate (taken up in a state of nature), not large, but fertile and pleasantly situated." From youth he says that he procured and studied attentively "every military treatise in the English language which was attainable." In 1770, he was captain of an artillery company, and was a writer under the nom de plume of "A Military Countryman" for the Boston Gazette. In these articles he advocated the study of arms, and in one of them used these extraordinary words: "It is more than probable that the salvation of this country, under heaven, will sooner or later depend upon a well-regulated militia." Having been commissioned a captain in the Suffolk regiment, and subsequently superseded by Hutchinson, he was chosen in 1774, captain of the first company of Roxbury, and the same year colonel of the Suffolk regiment. He was a delegate to the Provincial Congresses of 1774 and 1775. In June of the latter year he was made a provincial major- general, and in the August following, the Continental 62 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. Congress would allow the convention prisoners to return to England, General Clinton gave notice that he should cease supplying them with subsistence, and that they world have to be provided for as were other prisoners of war. It now being feared that a rescue might be attempted, they were, in November, 1778, a year after their capture, compelled to take up their weary march for Virginia. There, as we know, they remained until the close of the war. Whether the American government, or rather the American Congress, for this was all the government -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— Congress conferred upon him the same rank. He was the only general officer at the famous battle of Lexington, and organized and directed the hardy farmers, who on that occasion put the British regulars to flight. Heath commanded a division during the siege of Boston, and was at the head of the eastern department in 1777, and subsequently was assigned to a post on the Hudson. He returned to his farm at the close of the war, and was a delegate to the convention which adopted the Federal Constitution in 1788; was a State senator in 1791-92, and judge of probate for Norfolk county from 1793 until his death, January 24, 1814. Eight years previous to this date he had been chosen lieutenant- governor of his native State, an honor which he declined. He was a great friend of Washington for whom he possessed a remarkable admiration. When Washington parted with him, he gave him a letter testifying to his faithfulness, and this letter he valued beyond price. When Brissot de Warville visited him at his farm in 1788, Heath said: "This letter is a jewel which, in my eyes, surpasses all the eagles and all the ribbons in the world." Vide Memoirs of William Heath, Boston, 1798. The Town of Roxbury, Roxbury, 1878, pp. 387-390. New Travels in the United States of America, Dublin, 1792 (J. P. Brissot De Warville), p. 117. Pictorial Field-Book of the Revolution, vol. I, pp. 190, 566. n., pp. 614 et seq. The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 63 that the United States then possessed, acted justly with regard to the convention, is left for those who are interested in the question to judge. We know from the history of similar assemblies composed of men of various degrees of moral dignity, and in some measure relieved from personal responsibility, that questions possessing elements of a political nature are not apt to receive the same careful treatment, which would be bestowed upon them by a judicial tribunal removed from popular influence and feeling the direct weight of moral responsibility; or indeed from an individual occupying a like position; hence we ought not to be over surprised at the action of our first Congress52 in this matter of the Saratoga convention. That convention was entered into in good faith by the contracting parties, and should have been justly carried out in letter and -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 52 In all great struggles in which imperfect men engage, there are those who ally themselves to the cause of right, and who acquit themselves valiantly, yet are dominated in all they undertake by selfishness. It was so in our great struggle for freedom, and it is painful to contemplate the fact, that many of the men who donned the spotless armor of patriotism and won thereby the admiration of their fellows, were self-seekers in the worst sense of the term. Even Washington justly used the following terms in speaking of some of his contemporaries, who were apparently ardent supporters of the noble cause for which he and a few other pure patriots like himself were willing to sacrifice their lives and all they held dear. "Such a dearth of public [spirit] and want of virtue; such stock-jobbing and fertility in all the low arts to obtain advantages of some kind or another in this great charge of military management, I never saw before, and pray God I may never be witness to 64 Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. spirit by the American Congress. It seems to have failed from considerations of policy so to act, just as any similarly composed body of men in any other portion of the globe might at that time have failed to act, and while we may not excuse, we may perhaps in some measure mitigate our chagrin with this consideration, though we should have rejoiced had it taken higher ground than any other government in the world would have been likely to take at that period. Burgoyne sailed for home, feeling keenly the injustice which he deemed had been practiced upon him by the American government; but if that government treated him unjustly, his own subsequently treated him with still greater injustice. The disaster to Burgoyne's army had not been unexpected in England. When the rumor of Howe's erratic expedition against Philadelphia and apparent abandonment of the plan of co-operation with Burgoyne reached England, several weeks before the latter's surrender, although the public mind was in a state of elation at his success at Ticonderoga, it was thrown into consternation, and predictions of defeat were in the air. Even Germaine admitted to one of his noble friends, that Howe had ruined his plans by not operating in conjunction with Burgoyne, and the ministers hastened to send orders to -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— again." Letter of Washington to Joseph Reed, February 10, 1776. Happily for the cause of human progress, there was after all enough of public spirit and virtue to overbalance the self-seeking and vicious spirit which prevailed, and the right triumphed, as it ever must triumph, in the long run. Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 65 the latter not to attempt to advance beyond Albany until he could bring about concerted action with Howe. So much apprehension respecting Burgoyne's position was felt in London, that a statesman of the day, in a letter to a friend as early as November 2d, said: "I believe it is also true that a very great man said within these few days, that he expected accounts of a general defeat very soon,"53 and Chatham, two weeks before the news reached England, spoke of "the sufferings, perhaps the total loss of the northern army." Tidings of the disaster reached England on the 2d of December, and on the next day Colonel Barre called upon Germaine, "to declare upon his honour what was become of General Burgoyne and his troops. Lord North admitted, in reply, that very disastrous information had reached him from Canada. A fierce outburst against the ministry followed. Motions were made in both houses of Parliament for papers. They were, however, successfully resisted on the ground that no official information had been received,"54 and the ministry succeeded in adjourning Parliament. Said Shelburne, "talk to them about truth. Like Pilate they waived the question and adjourned the court." Burgoyne's dispatches announcing his surrender reached the ministry on the 12th, and excited the ridicule of his enemies by its -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 53 The Duke of Richmond to Lord Rockingham. 54 Vide Life of William, Earl of Shelburne, London, 1876, vol. III, p. 10 et seq. 9 66 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. sonorous character,55 although the passage most ridiculed was strictly true. This was to the effect that he had "dictated the terms of surrender." The news of the disaster fired the popular spirit, and subscriptions were at once started throughout the kingdom to raise and equip regiments. The ministry was bitterly assailed, and especially Germaine, who resorted to every means in his power to shield himself by throwing the responsibility of the disaster upon Burgoyne. Germaine himself was suggestively reticent; but his friends and supporters were alert and blatant. This was the condition of affairs which Burgoyne, broken in health and spirits, met upon reaching London. Apparently without realizing the situation, he at once waited upon Germaine, who received him with marks of friendship and drew upon his confidence, thus gaining facts of importance. It was agreed between them to arrange an inquiry, an order for which had already been prepared and was then in the pocket of Germaine. At this juncture, Burgoyne discovered that he was to submit to the "etiquette" of not appearing at court, by which means he was to be kept from seeing the king56 and impressing -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 55 The style charmed every reader; but he had better have beaten the enemy and misspelt every word of his dispatch, for so, probably, the great Duke of Marlborough would have done, both by one and the other." Mrs. Inchbald in Preface to the Heiress. 56 Vide a letter from Lieutenant-General Burgoyne to his constituents upon his late resignation, etc., London, 1779. The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 67 him with a knowledge of the true state of the case. This, Burgoyne, whose eyes were now open to the artifice of the minister, refused to accede to, and an open war between him and Germaine followed. Burgoyne demanded a court-martial, which was denied him on the ground that he was then a prisoner of war, a novel position to assume but one not without plausible features, and he then decided to appeal to the country. Upon claiming his seat in the Commons, to which he was entitled as the representative of Preston, he was met with the objection which had before proved potent, that he was a prisoner of war, and therefore not entitled to a seat in Parliament; but happily this objection failed to be sustained, and on the 21st day of May he took his seat and asked for an investigation of his conduct. A day was assigned for him to make his statement, which was to the effect that no discretionary powers had been granted to him by the ministry in carrying out his instructions; but that they were "positive, peremptory and indispensable." Burgoyne seconded a motion to inquire into his conduct of the campaign, but Germaine, who dreaded an investigation, succeeded in defeating the motion. This unfair treatment gained him friends and revived the popular interest in him, and his opponents becoming alarmed, it was determined to get him out of the way; hence the king was persuaded to order him back to America as a prisoner of war, although no demand had been made for his return by the 68 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. American government. This was an extraordinary proceeding and revealed the desperate straits to which the ministry was reduced. Against this injustice Burgoyne remonstrated so forcibly,57 that the king was compelled to suspend his order, and the persecuted general proceeded to publish an address to his constituents on the conduct of the campaign in America, which brought to the attention of the English people, for the first time, the full history of the matters at issue; at the same time he applied himself assiduously to obtain a ratification of the Saratoga convention, that his captive army might be liberated. To counteract the influence of his statements, which were gaining him many adherents, he was vilified and abused by his opponents without stint. He was accused of employing savages and sanctioning their barbarities; of artfully supplanting Carleton, and maliciously destroying property on his march toward Albany, all of which charges he fairly refuted at the first opportunity.58 At the next session of Parliament, Burgoyne renewed his efforts to obtain a vindication of his conduct, openly charging the ministry with double dealing,59 and he so far -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 57 In a letter to the war office, June 5, 1779, he asserted that his health was such that to expose his constitution to another American winter would, in all probability, doom him to the grave. Vide ibid., pp. 22, 26. 58 Vide Speech on a Motion made by Mr. Vyner in the Parliament, May 26, 1778. 59 Vide Speech on the Review of the Evidence in the House of Commons; also, Speech of December 14, and April 22, 1779. The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 69 succeeded as to gain permission to present his case, which he prepared most elaborately, supporting his position in a convincing manner by documentary evidence and the testimony of Sir Guy Carleton and officers in his command; but the ministry becoming alarmed at the damaging nature of his revelations, brought matters to a summary conclusion by a sudden prorogation of Parliament, and he again received the royal command to return to America. This he refused to do, and resigned all his valuable appointments except that of lieutenant- general. He was stranded, but not disheartened; for he put the printing press into requisition, and under the title of the " State of the Expedition from Canada," a book which he dedicated to his captive army, he presented to justice-loving Englishmen a full account of the proceedings. In vain was he assailed by anonymous pamphlets, one of which was attributed to Germaine;60 the sentiment of unprejudiced -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 60 This pamphlet is entitled "A Reply to Lieutenant- General Burgoyne's Letter to his Constituents," and bears for a motto the words, "Expende Hannibalem" It strikes at the outset the key-note of Germaine's attempt to get him out of the way. "Men of honour," it says, "were at a loss to comprehend upon what principle you could justify your absence from your captive army, whose calamities they considered it your duty to share." His bravery and zeal are extolled, and the cause of difference between him and Germaine pointed out, and his course in defending his conduct and refusing to obey the mandate of the king to return to and give himself up to the Americans, severely criticised. Vide pp. 1, 5-7. Another is entitled "An Essay on Modern Martyrs" and is conceived in a harsher spirit of censure. The writer most 70 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. men was in his favor, and the incapacity of Germaine became so conspicuous, that he was obliged, upon the surrender of Cornwallis, to retire from office, though his influence with the king was so great that he effected his retirement "under the cover of a peerage.61 Burgoyne was in some measure compensated for his almost unexampled trials, but as a popular idol was never restored to his niche. What was often asserted and quite widely believed at the time, that Burgoyne's army was sacrificed to a blunder of Germaine, is now known from documents left by a contemporary. Germaine, it would appear, was a peculiar man, and one of his peculiarities was an over-nicety with regard to the clerical work of his office. He had arranged to take a vacation in the country, and on the morning of his departure, called at his office to examine the orders to Burgoyne and Howe which were to be dispatched upon that day to America. Upon examining Howe's orders, he was displeased because they were not "fair copied," and angrily ordered them to be recopied. He then went into the country and forgot all about the matter. The result was, that -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— sarcastically criticises Burgoyne's unfortunate use of the word "dictated," as applied to the terms of surrender, which he claimed were of his own dictation, and remarks with much force: "It is not probable, therefore, that he (Gates) would have opposed your wishes, had you (instead of leaving it to his choice) assigned Quebec as the place of embarkation, by which means you might immediately have conducted the whole army out of the provinces in rebellion." Vide p. 45. 61 Vide Life of William, Earl of Shelburne, vol. I, p. 359. The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 71 Burgoyne's orders were dispatched to him, but Howe's were pigeon-holed, hence the ruin of the elaborate plan to subjugate the colonies62 It cannot be denied however, that Howe understood the plan of the campaign. He says in his narrative, "On the 5th of June I received a copy of the secretary of State's letter to Sir Guy Carleton, dated the 26th of March, 1777, wherein he communicates to him the plan of the northern expedition, and adds 'that he will write to Sir William Howe by the first packet.' " It can only be plead in his defense that he had no "positive, peremptory and indispensable orders" to co-operate with Burgoyne. This plea he makes for himself, in the letter under consideration, in these words: "I must observe, that this copy of a letter to Sir Guy Carleton, though transmitted to me, was not accompanied with any instructions whatsoever; and that the letter intended to have been written to me by the first packet, and which was probably to have contained some instructions, was never sent.63 That the plan of the campaign was generally understood we well know, and moreover that Howe's failure to co-operate with Burgoyne was a puzzle to Washington. On the 4th of July he wrote General Heath: "General Howe evacuated Amboy on Sunday last. From present appearance, Hudson's river seems to be the object of his attention;" and on the 19th: -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 62 Vide ibid., p. 358 et seq. 63 Vide Narrative of Lieutenant-General Sir William Howe, London, 1780. 72 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. "General Howe still lays entirely quiet on board the fleet at Staten Island. Very few troops remain on shore, and the destination [is] a profound secret. Whatever were his intentions before this unlucky blow to the northward," — referring to the fall of Ticonderoga, — "he certainly ought now, in good policy, to endeavor to cooperate with General Burgoyne. I am so fully of opinion that this will be his plan, that I have advanced the army thus far to support our party at Peekskill, should the enemy move up the river.64 This leads us to inquire into the motives which influenced Howe at this juncture, and a careful study of the man and his environments may enable us to reach an approximate comprehension of them. Howe, who through an illegitimate source had descended from royalty, was a man enervated by patronage and pampered with flattery; such a man as would, upon sufficient occasion, almost unconsciously permit his amour propre to overrule his amor patriœ. Burgoyne, a man of singularly popular qualities and rapidly rising in public esteem, had been cast for the principal part in the drama about to be enacted, — was to play the heroic roll, so to speak, — and influenced by that common sentiment of dislike to a subordinate part, — a sentiment especially active with men engaged in public affairs — Howe was disposed quite naturally to view the scheme of the ministry with languid indifference. Although he knew well what the plan -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 64 Vide Washington's Letters to Heath, Part I, pp. 64, 66 et seq. The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 73 of the ministry was, the blunder of Germaine in not giving him peremptory orders to enact the part assigned him was a sufficient pretext for him to select a role more congenial to his tastes, one indeed in which he would enact the part of hero; hence his brilliant, but impracticable scheme of a southern campaign, the fruit of a confidence rooted in the rank soil of a hitherto successful experience. This scheme once conceived, would continue to grow more and more attractive in his imagination, and to delude him with visions of a fame to which his ambition yearningly reached; nor were the obstacles in the way of success seemingly great. In common with his fellow officers at this time, he still under-estimated his opponents and failed to comprehend the character of the war in which the British government was engaged; hence it is not strange that he should formulate the scheme of a southern campaign, nor that he should pursue it with confidence. The climax so disastrous to British hopes, and which an eminent writer, classifying it with the decisive battles of the world,65 has declared to have been "more fruitful of results than those conflicts in which hundreds of thousands of men have been engaged, and tens of thousands have fallen," -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 65 Vide History of England, by Lord Mahon, vol. VI, p. 285. Another writer has said: "This war, which rent away the North American colonies of England, is of all subjects in history the most painful for an Englishman to dwell on. It was conceived and carried on by the British ministry in iniquity and folly, and it was concluded in disaster and shame. But the contemplation of it cannot be evaded by the 10 74 The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. we have witnessed. That Burgoyne was unfairly treated by his own government cannot now be gainsaid, nor that hitherto our own people have too lightly regarded his conduct of the campaign from Canada. In estimating his character we meet with difficulties, possessing as it does qualities of almost kaleidoscopic variety. We cannot reconcile the warm terms of friendship which he used in addressing Lee, an old companion in arms then in the American service, with the unfriendly epithets of "late half-pay major, and incendiary in the king's service — major-general and demagogue in the rebel army," which he applied to that friend shortly after in correspondence with Lord North, when he was anxious to excuse himself for holding communication with a rebel;66 nor his statements regarding his regimental colors, with what we now know to be facts; nor yet again can we understand, how, after the direful disasters which had befallen his faithful army, at the moment too in -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— historian, however much it may be abhorred. Nor can any military event be said to have exercised more important influence on the future fortunes of mankind, than the complete defeat of Burgoyne's expedition in 1777, a defeat which rescued the revolted colonies from certain subjection, and which, by inducing the courts of France and Spain to attack England in their behalf, insured the independence of the United States and the formation of that trans-Atlantic power which not only America but both Europe and Asia now see and feel." Vide Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World, etc., by Sir Edward Creasy, London, 1873, p. 292. 66 Vide Political and Military Episodes, etc., London, 1876, pp. 169-175. The Campaigns of Carleton and Burgoyne. 75 which he was to deliver his worn-out and almost heart-broken soldiers into captivity, he could bedeck himself in the gorgeous habiliments of the court. These are beyond our comprehension. At the same time, we must admit that he was a man of noble parts, a scholar, a statesman of no mean ability and a thoroughly brave and capable officer. The army which he led has probably never been excelled in soldierly qualities. No one capable of appreciating character can make the individual accquaintance of the men, both British and German who comprised it, and whose biographies have come down to us, without feeling an admiration for and a friendly interest in them. "Opinionum commenta delet dies naturœ judicia confirmat." See scans of pages
William Digby's Book.
SOME ACCOUNT OF THE AMERICAN WAR BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES. WILLIAM DIGBY, Lieutenant 53d Regiment 1776. PREFACE. ______ My chief design in committing the following passages to paper was with a view of hereafter bringing to my memory, (when a dull hour presented itself), some incidents which have happened in the course of the Campaigns 1776 and 1777. I have wished to confine such, as much as possible, to the partial eye of a particular friend, one who will make many allowances for their numerous defects, from the degree of friendship subsisting between us. The only merit, (if it can deserve such an appellation), I can claim, is a strict adherence to truth inserted without exaggeration, and facts set down plainly as they happened, not but in some places oversights may have been committed from the inattention to which at times all mankind are liable. I cannot pass over mentioning that during a campaign, the many requisites for bringing such an undertaking to the smallest degree of perfection are impossible to be attained, & even time, one of the first and most necessary ingredients, is often stinted from the frequent calls of duty. It would exceed the bounds I at first prescribed, to enter into the grand causes which actuate a General in 80 Preface. the manoeuvres and movements of an army; the impossibility of such an attempt must appear evident to every person from the variety of intelligence he must often receive through private channels, together with his orders for acting, neither of which could be communicated to every individual; from the above reasons I have confined myself to simple occurrences, such as were publicly known to the army in general, as it would be the greatest presumption in me to insinuate a knowledge of more. As digressions are often tedious and tiresome, I have put in as few sentiments of my own as possible, being well assured that in such passages where they may be wanting, the reader can supply their place more advantageously than I could pretend to do. To conclude, I have not attempted to apologize or even to enumerate the many faults contained in the following pages. In place of the former, I have depended entirely on the friendship already wished for, & mentioning the latter were to doubt the discernment of the reader, who, if he takes the trouble of venturing on them, will soon, I fear, discover enough to prevent his going through. If on the contrary, his good nature induces him to lean lightly on what cannot merit his approbation, and with a friendly eye pass over their numerous unconnected passages put down without regularity or order, he will cause me to feel for their want of merit only, as they are deficient in affording him amusement or entertainment in return. CAMPAIGN OF 1776. BY AN OFFICER IN THE NORTHERN ARMY, UNDER THE COMMAND OF HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL GUY CARLETON. FIRST CAMPAIGN. 1776. 1776 April AILED from the Cove of Cork in the Woodcock Transport of 250 tons burthen, accompanied by 43 sail of ship's full of troops and convoyed by the Caresford and Pearl ships of war, supposed to be destined for Quebec in Canada, — the troops commanded by Lieut. Colo. Frazier67 24th Regiment until their arrival in America, -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 67 "Simeon Fraser," says Fonblanque, "was born in 1729, had entered the army at an early age, and attained the command of the Twenty-fourth Regiment of Foot before the war with America broke out," and Colonel Rogers traces through many intricacies his advancement in the army as follows: Lieutenant Seventy-eighth Foot, January 5, 1757; captain lieutenant, September 27, 1758; captain, April 22, 1759; major in the army, March 15, 1761; major in the Twenty-fourth Foot, February 8, 1762; lieutenant- colonel, July 14, 1768; brigadier-general, June 10, 1776. He received the rank of colonel in the army July 22, 1777. He had fought shoulder to shoulder with New England troops at Louisbourg and Quebec. He was an officer of great ability and beloved by the entire army. Vide Political and Military Episodes, 241; Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books, p. 455. 84 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. when Genl. Carlton,68 Governor of Canada, was to take the command, and, under him, Lieut. Genl. -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 68 Guy Carleton was of Irish birth, being born at Strabane, Ireland, September 3, 1724. His soldierly qualities brought him promotion, and in 1757 we find him holding the rank of chief lieutenant in the First Foot. He took part in 1758 in the successful siege against Louisbourg, and for his signal services in that campaign was made lieutenant-colonel of the Seventy-second Foot. His ability attracted the attention of General Wolfe, who selected him as his quarter- master general, and in the great battle on the heights of Abraham he was severely wounded by a musket ball in the head. On September 24, 1766, he was made lieutenant- governor, and October 26, 1768, governor of Quebec. He had known Montgomery in the French war, and when the latter invaded Canada, realized that he had no ordinary foe to combat. With all the material at his command, he endeavored to hold back the enthusiastic invaders, but without success, and barely escaped capture at Trois Rivieres, which he left in disguise just as the victorious Montgomery entered the town. Carleton did not remain in America through the war, but returned to England, July 29, 1778, where he was warmly received. In the spring of 1782 he superseded Sir Henry Clinton as commander-in-chief of the forces in America, and won much popularity by his liberal and just administration of the affairs of his department. A recent historian thus speaks of him: "By his tenderness and humanity, he gained the affection of those Americans who fell into his hands. His conduct in this respect affords a striking and happy contrast to that of nearly all the British officers who served in this country during the Revolution." While we are glad to admit that he showed great kindness to the prisoners who fell into his hands, we must remember The Cedars and his reply to Washington's request for an exchange of prisoners, accompanied by a copy of the Declaration of Independence. While he was not responsible for the barbarity committed upon our soldiers at The Cedars, this reply suggests the spirit which inspired his subordinate in that affair. In the reply alluded to occur the following indecent words: Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 85 Burgoyne. We soon lost sight of Ireland, having a fair wind. We had on board two companies -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— "His Excellency General Carlton orders that The commanding Officers of Corps will take especial care that every one under their command be informed, that Letters, or messages from Rebels, Traitors in Arms against the King, Rioters, disturbers of the public Peace, Plunderers, Robbers, Assassins, or Murderers, are on no occasion to be admitted: That shou'd emmissaries from such lawless Men again presume to approach the Army, whether under the name of Flag of Truce Men or Ambassadors except when they come to implore the King's mercy, their persons shall be immediately seized and committed to close confinement to be proceeded against as the Law directs: Their Papers & Letters, for whomsoever directed (even this Com'r in Chief) are to be deliver'd to the Provost Martial, that unread and unopen'd they maybe burned by the hands of the common Hangman." These are not the words of a philanthropist or even of a calm and generous mind, but rather those of a tyrant, who, if he possessed the power, would use it most cruelly. We know what Garneau says of his treatment of the Canadians after his return from the campaign of '76, namely, that he "sent detachments to pick up straggling enemies, arrest colonists who had joined the Americans and fire their houses; for the British, who spared from destruction the property of insurgents in the Anglo- American colonies, followed their ancient practice with respect to Canada and its foreign-derived race. As in 1759, they now inarched torch in hand." We know how Washington received this intemperate reply. He simply said, with calmness and dignity, to Hancock: "I shall not trouble Congress with my strictures upon this performance so highly unbecoming the character of a soldier and a gentleman." This was all the notice he took of the matter. In a note referring to this extraordinary reply of General Carleton, Sparks seems almost inclined to doubt its genuineness, but the recent publication of Hadden's Journal sets the matter at rest, as the document is there published in 86 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. of the 53d Regiment, Major, Earl of Balcarres69 and the Grenadiers to whom I had the honour -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— full. Carleton was, at the time of penning it, laboring under great excitement caused by the shooting of General Gordon by the scout, Whitcomb, a most cruel act, but no more cruel than others which were perpetrated by individuals on both sides, for which neither government was responsible. Carleton seems to have felt ashamed of this performance himself, for, perhaps feeling its effect upon his troops in exciting them to unnecessary cruelty, he issued soon after an order admonishing them not to return evil for evil, nor to forget that " the Englishman, always brave, is accustomed to act magnanimously and philanthropically," and that it behooved " the troops of the king to spare the blood of his subjects." On account of his services in America, he was created Baron of Dorchester, August 21, 1786. He had the same year already been appointed governor of the British possessions in North America, which office he held for a period of ten years. He died in his own home in Berkshire, November 10, 1808. Vide Collin's Peerage, vol. 8, pp. 112-117; British Army Lists, in loco; Journal of the Principal Occurrences During the Siege of Quebec (W. T. Shortt), p. 42; Garneau's History of Canada, Montreal, 1862. vol. 2, pp. 135, 151; Burke's Peerage and Baronetage, in loco; History of Connecticut (Hollister), vol. 2, p. 294, et seq.; Annual Register for 1808, p. 162; Life of Washington (Sparks), vol. 3, p. 268; Ibid., vol. 4, pp. 55-57; Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books, pp. 7-10. 69 Alexander Lindsay, sixth Earl of Balcarres, was of Scotch descent, and at this time but twenty four years of age, having been born January 18, 1752. He was commissioned an ensign in the Fifty-fifth Foot, July 15, 1767, and after two years' experience at Gibralter, and as long a period in study at Gφttingen, he returned to England and was commissioned a captain in the Forty second Foot, January 28, 1771. He bee t by purchase major of the Fifty-third Foot, December 9, 1775, and upon his arrival in Canada, was appointed by Carleton to the command of the light infantry. At the battle of Hubbardton he was wounded, and had many Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 87 to belong. The wind continued fair for us till the 19th, when we were becalmed. About noon, we perceived from the main top mast head, a fleet to -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— narrow escapes; after the death of Fraser he succeeded that officer in command, and was commissioned lieutenant-colonel of the Twenty fourth Foot, October 8, 1777. Finding after the capture of Burgoyne's army, that a general exchange of prisoners was not to take place, he refused to accept his liberty, and returning to Cambridge, shared the captivity of his men until the latter part of 1778, when he returned home on parole. An interesting anecdote is related of a meeting which he had with Arnold while the latter was having an audience with the king. As Balcarres entered the royal presence, the king introduced Arnold to him, but with an action expressive of disgust, Balcarres drew back, exclaiming, "what, sire, the traitor Arnold?" A challenge from Arnold was the result. At the signal to fire Arnold discharged his pistol without effect, and Balcarres cooly turning upon his heel was walking away, when Arnold cried out, "why don't you fire, my lord?'' To this, Balcarres looking over his shoulder, replied, "sir, I leave you to the executioner." He was appointed lieutenant colonel in com- mand of the second division of the Seventy-first Highlanders, February 13, 1782, and colonel in the army November 20th, of the same year. He was in Parliament as a peer of Scotland in 1784 and for several successive years, and became colonel of the Sixty-third Foot, August 27, 1789. He was made a major-general October 12, 1793, and the next year assumed military and civil command at Jamaica. After seven years of continued and most successful warfare, he resigned his position and returned to England. He had been commissioned a lieutenant-general January 1, 1798, and September 25, 1803, he was made a general in the army. After his return to England he devoted himself to the care of his estates until his death, which occurred at Haight Hall, in Lancashire, March 27, 1825. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Burke's Peerage and Baronetage,in loco; Foster's Peerage and Orders of Knighthood,in loco; Three Years in North America (Stuart), vol. I, p. 462. 88 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. windward bearing down to us with all the sail they could set. On their approaching nearer, we found they were the fleet from Plymouth70 mostly Germans. General Burgoyne was on board one of their frigates, who, after giving some orders, separated from us about the 21st, as winds were turned rather foul for us at that time. May 4th. Discovered at a distance numerous islands of ice, some three times higher than our main top mast head and formed in the most romantic shapes, appearing like large castles, when the sun shone on them, all on fire. The sailors from this imagined we could not be a great distance from Newfound- land, it being about the season for the quantities of ice that surround that part during the winter to break up, they obliged us to steer with great caution, as were a vessel to strike on such a solid body, she must inevitably be dashed to pieces. 5th. Prepared lines to fish on the banks but found no success, though many of our fleet killed some. The banks are properly a mountain hid under water, with various depths of water from 25 to 60 fathom. During our stay upon this kingdom of cod fish, we found it very unpleasant, as the sun scarce ever shews himself, and the greatest part of the time thick and cold fogs; but there are none of these fish which -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 70 "The fleet from Plymouth " consisted of thirty sail, and had on board General Riedesel and his German troops. Riedesel, in a letter to his wife, gives an entertaining account of his life on board ship, for which reference may be had to "Letters and Journals of Mrs. Riedesel," p. 22. Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 89 require warmer seas. There are also on the banks of Newfoundland great numbers of whales, spouting fish, porpoises, sword fish, &c. The sword fish is as thick as a cow, seven or eight feet long, gradually lessening towards the tail; it takes its name from its weapon, a kind of sword three feet long and about four inches wide : It is fixed above its nose and has six rows of teeth on each side, an inch long, at an equal distance from each other; this fish is excellent eating. The whale and the sword fish never meet without fighting; the latter, they say, is always the aggressor. Sometimes two sword fish join against a whale, and then it is not an equal match. The whale has neither weapon offensive nor defensive, but his tail : To make use of it against his enemy, he plunges his head under water, and, if he can strike his enemy, he kills him with a blow of his tail; but he is very dexterous to shun it, and instantly falls upon the whale and runs his weapon in his back; most commonly it pierces not to the bottom of the fat, and so does no great injury. When the whale can see the sword fish dart to strike him, he plunges, but the sword fish pursues him in the water and obliges him to appear again; then the fight begins again and lasts till the sword fish loses sight .of the whale, which fights always retreating and swims best on the surface of the water. It is said, with what truth I cannot say,71 that the cod can turn itself inside out -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 71 Cf. Malte Brun, vol. 5, p. 19. 12 90 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. like a pocket, and that the fish frees itself from any thing that troubles it by this means. I wont vouch for the truth of this.72 6th. Fell in with a French fishing vessel. We had mostly got over our sea sickness; though I was but little troubled in that way after the second or third day. Our Capn Richardson was a good seaman and an agreeable companion, which does not always follow. The ship was stout but often missed stays in tacking, not answering the helm well, and, of course not a pleasant vessel to sail with a large fleet. 7th. About 11 at night our captain seemed very uneasy at not hearing a signal from the man of war; it blew fresh against us; we were going on the wind and the night dark and hazy, which is generally the case on the banks. Our grog being out, we prepared for rest, when he came down and told us if the signal -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 72 This is a prudent disclaimer of our author, who was but repeating the popular belief with regard to this fish (morhua vulgaris), which is extremely voracious, devouring indiscriminately, says Herriot, "every substance which it is capable of gorging; even glass and iron have been found in the stomach of this fish, which by inverting itself has the power of becoming disburdened of its indigestible contents."  Vide Travels through Canada, p. 30. It is certain that the cod is a great collector of deep-sea objects, and naturalists are indebted to it for specimens of rare and new shells other- wise unattainable. The Basques were fishing as early as 1504 along the Newfoundland shores, to which they applied the name of Baccalaos or Codlands, and although for nearly four centuries the business has been constantly increasing, such is the rapid multiplication of the cod that its numbers have not decreased. Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 91 was not made (which was firing two guns from the Caresford) by 12 o'clock, he would put the ship about, as by his reckoning, we must be very near Cape Race, no pleasing circumstance at that time of night, He had scarce spoke when the sailors on deck cried out, we were most on shore, and we could easily perceive the breakers at a small distance, on which the vessel was put about with the greatest dispatch, and all our guns fired as signals for the rest of the fleet to keep off. Some we saw much nearer land and feared they would be lost, in short, it was a scene of the greatest confusion, every ship getting from shore as well as possible. Cape Race is the south east point of the island of Newfoundland; it lies in 46 degrees 30 minutes north latitude, and the coast runs from thence 100 leagues to the west and terminates at Cape Ray, about 47 degrees, and nearly half way is the great bay of Placentia, one of the finest ports in America. 8th. At day break discovered Cape Ray, and soon after passed close to the little island of St. Paul; tried to count our fleet and found two transports, the Henry and Sisters, missing with 3 companies of our regiment, and the Lithy with one company of the 31st regiment. A vessel, whom we spoke with, informed us she saw them among the rocks and feared they were lost, the night being dark and the shore not the best. — We still continued our course into the gulph of St. Lawrence, which is 80 leagues long, and went through it in about 30 hours with a good wind. 92 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. Near half way we fell in with the Bird islands.73 They are very near each other and covered with birds and nests. They have been often visited, and boats have been entirely loaded with eggs of all sorts. Surely it is wonderful in such millions of nests, every bird should find its own, and had we fired a gun, it is reported the air would be darkened two or three leagues round. Near this we fell in with a fishing vessel; but she could give us no intelligence, whether Quebec was in our hands or our enemies — the latter we had the greatest reason to believe. 9th. We were almost becalmed, so prepared for fishing and had very good success. We hoped soon to double Cape Rosiers, which is at the entrance of the river St. Lawrence. Newfoundland that we had so lately left behind us, and the first land we meet with coming to Canada, " It could never be known," a French writer observes, "for certainty whether it had any native inhabitants." Its barrenness, supposing it every where as real as it is thought to be, is not a sufficient proof that it has had no native inhabitants; for fishing -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 73 On Deny's map of 1672, these islands are called Les isles aux Oyseaux." They were subsequently called the Magdalen islands, and reference is here made to the northernmost of the group. They were formerly owned by Sir Isaac Coffin, a distinguished naval officer, and a native of Nantucket on the coast of Massachusetts, where many of the family name still reside. One of these islands is called Coffin's island from its former proprietor. Vide Canada, Nova Scotia, etc., Buckingham, London, 1843, p. 314. Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 93 and hunting are sufficient to maintain savages. This is certain, that here was never seen any but Eskimaux who are not natives of this country. Their real home is Labrador or New Britain. It is there at least they pass the greatest part of the year; for it would be profaning the name of the native country to apply it to wandering barbarians who, having no affection for any country, travel over a vast extent of land. In fact, besides the coasts of Newfoundland which the Esquimaux range over in the summer, in all the vast continent which is between the river St Lawrence and Canada and the North Sea, there has never been seen any other people than the Eskimaux. They have been met with also a good way up the river Bourbon, which runs into Hudson's Bay, coming from the West. The original name of these people is not certain, however it is very probable that it comes from the Abenaqui word, Esquimantsic, which signifies an eater of raw flesh.74 The Eskimaux are, in fact, the only savages known that eat raw flesh, though they have also the custom of dressing it or drying it in the sun. It is also certain, that of all the people known in America, there are none who come nearer than these to complete the first idea which Europeans had of savages. They are almost -—-—-—-—-—-—-—-— 74 This shows our author to have been a careful student. These Indians called themselves Innuits, but the name Esquimaux, the proper signification of which is here given, was applied to them by the Algonquins, of which family the Abenaquis were the eastern representatives. 94 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. the only people where the men have any beard, and they have it so thick up to their eyes that it is difficult to distinguish any features of the face; they have besides something hideous in their look; little eyes looking wild, large teeth and very foul. Their hair is commonly black, but sometimes light, much in disorder, and their whole outward appearance very rough. Their manners and their character do not disagree with their ill look. They are fierce, surly, mistrustful, uneasy, always inclined to do an injury to strangers, who ought therefore, to be upon their guard against them. As to their wit and understanding, we have had so little commerce with this people that we can say nothing concerning them, but they are, however, cunning enough to do mischief. They have often been seen to go in the night to cut the cables of ships that were at anchor that they might be wrecked upon the coast, and they make no scruple of attacking them openly in the day when they know they are weakly mann'd. It was never possible to render them more tractable, and we cannot yet treat with them, but at the end of a long pole. They not only refuse to approach the Europeans, but they will eat nothing that comes from them. They are tall and pretty well shaped; their skin is as white as snow, which proceeds, without doubt, from their never going naked in the hottest weather; their hair, their beards, the whiteness of their skin, the little resemblance and commerce they have with their nearest neighbours, leave no Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 95 room to doubt that they have a different origin from other Americans, but the opinion, that which makes them descended from the Biscayners,75 seems to me to have a little foundation, especially if it is true, as I have been assured, that their language is entirely different. For the rest, their alliance would do no great honour to any nation, for, if there was no country on the face of the earth less fit to be inhabited by men than Newfoundland and Labrador,76 there is perhaps no people which deserve more to be confined here than the Eskimaux. For my part, I am persuaded they came originally from Greenland, These savages are covered in such a manner, that you can hardly see any part of their face [or] the ends of their fingers. Upon a kind of shirt made of bladders or the guts of fish cut in slips and pretty well sowed together, they have a coat made of bear ---------------- 75 Biscayners or natives of Biscay, one of the Basque provinces in Spain, are supposed by some ethnologists to be the aboriginal inhabitants of Europe. Traces of them have been found in England, France, Germany, Denmark and Sweden as well as in Spain. These consist of implements of peculiar construction, burial places and kitchen middens. Pickering in Races of Men, p. 19, agrees with our journalist that they are a distinct race from our so-called aboriginal inhabitants. 76 Gaspar Cortereal visiting this coast in the year 1500, seized fifty-seven of the natives of the country and carried them home for slaves. On account of the anticipated traffic in the inhabitants of this region, the name of Tierra Laborador or the Land of Laborers was bestowed upon it according to one authority, while according to another, it was to distinguish it from Greenland, which was barren, while this would yield to the labor of man. 96 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. or deer skins, and sometimes of birds skins. A capuchin of the same stuff, and which is fastened to it covers their head, on the top of which there comes out a tuft of hair which hangs over their forehead. The shirt comes no lower than their waist; their coat hangs behind down to their thighs, and terminates before in a point something below the waist; but the women wear them both before and behind to the middle of the leg, and bound with a girdle, from which hang little bones. The men have breeches of skins with the hair inwards, and which are often covered on the outside with the skins of ermine or such like. They wear also socks with the hair inwards, and over this, a boot furred in like manner on the inside, then a second sock and second boots, and they say, that these coverings for the feet are sometimes three or four fold, which does not, however, hinder these savages from being very nimble. Their arrows, which are the only arms they use, are armed with points made of the teeth of the sea cow, and they sometimes make them of iron when they can get it. It appears that in summer they keep in the open air night and day; but in the winter, they lodge under ground in a sort of cave where they all lie one upon another: but to return, - the island of Anticosty77 lies at the entrance of the river St. ---------------- 77 Anticosti. This wild island is still uninhabited except by a few fishermen and Indians, who make it their home for a brief season in the summer. It has no harbor in which ships can take refuge anywhere along its coast. The soil Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 97 Lawrence. It is about 40 leagues long and but very little breadth, poorly wooded and a wretched barren spot. - 20th. About 10 at night a melancholy accident happened to us. In a gale of wind, the Providence transport ran foul of our vessel, which, as there was a great swell of sea at the time, was attended with some danger. One of our grenadiers, I suppose thinking our ship going down, run from his berth below, (where some said he had been asleep\ and attempted to get on board her, but in the trial fell between and was instantly crushed to pieces. - Soon after we got clear of her, she being a much larger ship than ours, though neither of us suffered any thing to speak of. I dont think any thing can be more alarming than 2 large ships running foul of ---------------- thus far has not tempted man to cultivate it. As its situation renders it dangerous to navigation, two relief stations have been established at different points upon it, supplied with provisions for the benefit of those who may be so unfortunate as to be cast upon its inhospitable shores, and guide boards are placed here and there to direct them to these stations. When it was discovered by Jacques Cartier on the day of the Festival of the Assumption, that pious navigator named it l'yle de l'Assumption, but quite properly, its old Indian name as given by Champlain, or perhaps a corruption of it, as early writers differ in their orthography, has stuck to it. Thus, Thevet calls it Naticousti, and De Laet, Natiscotes, but Champlain may, after all, have given us in his orthography the sound of the Indian word more nearly than they have done. Vide Charlevoix, torn. I, p. 16; Brief Ricit, p. 9; Hakluyt, vol. 3, p. 292; Champlain's Voyages, vol. 2, p. 233; Bonchetti, vol. I, p. 169. 13 98 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. each other in a gale of wind, though I should imagine it worse in a dead calm and great swell of sea, as then there must be a difficulty in getting clear of each other; and, yet, this is often the case in large fleets, where all transports are kept as regular as possible in their stations by the men of war, who often fire on them for attempting to go ahead, and make them pay much for the first shot, doubling it till they become obedient. - On our sailing from Cork harbour, all the masters of transports received sealed instructions, which were not to be opened until by stress of weather, or any other cause, their ship was separated from the fleet 24 hours, after which, these instructions were to be opened, and by them they were ordered to make the best of their way to the island of Coudres78 15 leagues below Quebec, that being the place appointed to rendezvous at, as I believe, on our leaving Ireland, it was not well known whether Quebec was in our hands or the enemies. As the weather was still very foggy and hazy, we were obliged to steer with great caution, constantly ringing our bells to prevent other vessels from coming too near. I shall not attempt to entertain the reader with a storm, (so often done by fresh water sailors), where the sea was swelled into billows mountains high, on the top of which our vessel ---------------- 78 Isle aux Coudres, i.e. - Filbert Island - the name which it still bears, and which was bestowed upon it by Jacques Cartier on account of the abundance of hazel nuts or filberts which he found upon it nearly two and a half centuries before Digby saw it. Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 99 hung, and was in danger of being precipitated to the abyss beneath, as, in general, the weather was as favourable for us as we could have wished, and our passage rendered shorter than it is commonly performed with a fleet, where the whole are often obliged to slacken sail for one heavy sailing ship. 21st. Found our mizzen mast had sprung near the deck, so dare not crowd much sail on it; our exactness in keeping proper order in our stations while under way, and obeying of signals from the convoys, was a pleasing sight to one not used to such a scene. - 24th. Had the pleasure of seeing a small vessel a head of us coming from Quebec with the agreeable news of that place being still in our possession; though the enemy had lain before it most part of the winter and made an attempt to storm it on the 31st December under the command of General MtGomery, who fell with many others in the attempt, tho' their numbers were treble ours.79 I shall here insert his ---------------- 79 Richard Montgomery was born at Raphoe, Ireland, December 2, 1736, and fell in the attack on Quebec, December 31, 1775. He was commissioned in the British army in 1754, and participated in the siege of Louisburg in 1758, and after service in the West Indies, returned to England in 1763. He emigrated to New York in 1772, when he married a daughter of Robert Livingston and settled in Rhinebeck. He was representative to the Provincial Congress in 1775, and appointed a brigadier-general early in the same year. On December 9th, while before Quebec, he received his appointment as brigadier-general. While leading the assault against the upper town, having captured the first barrier, he was killed, and his troops seeing him fall fell 100 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. orders to his troops the day before the storm, as it will serve to show, how sure he was of success, and the poor opinion he had of our garrison. GENERAL ORDERS 30TH Decr, 1775. The general having in vain offered the most favourable terms of accommodation to the governor, and having taken every possible step to prevail on the inhabitants to desist from seconding him, in the wild scheme of vigorous measures for the speedy reduction of the only hold possessed by the ministerial troops in the province, flushed with continual ---------------- back in disorder. Montgomery was buried on the 3rd of January, and Henry who was present and witnessed it, thus describes his funeral : "It was on this day that my heart was ready to burst with grief, at viewing the funeral of our beloved general. Carleton had in our former days with the French, been the friend and fellow soldier of Montgomery. Though political opinion, perhaps ambition or interest, had thrown these worthies on different sides of the great question, yet the former could but honor the remains of his quondam friend. About noon the procession passed our quarters. It was most solemn. The coffin covered with a pall, surmounted with transverse swords, was borne by men. The regular troops, particularly that fine body of men, the Seventh Regiment, with reversed arms, and scarfs on the left elbow, accompanied the corpse to the grave. From many of us it drew tears of affection for the defunct, and speaking for myself, tears of greeting and thankfulness toward General Carleton. The soldiery and inhabitants appeared affected by the loss of this invaluable man, though he was their enemy." Other writers mention the peculiar affection borne toward the brave general by those opposed to him. In the British Parliament the most illustrious men of the time eulogized him. It was certainly a strange sight. It is said that "Colonel Barre was particularly remarked for the noble Lieutenant Digbys Journal. lO1 success and confident of the justice of their cause, and relying on that Providence which has uniformly protected them, the troops will advance to the attack of works incapable of being defended by the wretched garrison posted behind them, consisting of sailors unacquainted with the use of arms, of citizens incapable of soldier's duty, and a few miserable emigrants. The general is confident a vigorous and spirited at- tack will be attended with success. The troops shall have the effects of the governor, garrison and such as have been active in misleading the inhabitants and distressing the friends of liberty, equally divided ---------------- pathos of the regrets he consecrated to the death of his gallant enemy. Burke and Fox endeavored to surpass this eulogium in their speeches; Fox especially, who, as yet very young, already discovered the man he was afterward to be. Lord North reprehended them sharply, exclaiming that it was indecent to lavish so many praises upon a rebel. He admitted that Montgomery was brave, able, humane and generous, but still he was only a brave, able, humane and generous rebel. He cited this verse of Addison in Cato : ' Curse on his virtues, they've undone his country.' Fox answered him immediately, with warmth, that 'the term ' rebel,' applied to that excellent person, was no certain mark of disgrace, and therefore he was the less earnest to clear him of the imputation, for that all the great asserters of liberty, the saviours of their country, the benefactors of mankind, in all ages, had been called rebels; that they even owed the constitution, which enabled them to sit in that house, to a rebellion.' He added this passage from the prince of Latin poets, 'Sunt hic etiam sua prœmia laudi, sunt lachrymœ rerum, et menttum mortalia tangunt.' " Vide Account of Arnold's Campaign Against Quebec (Henry), Albany, 1877, p. 134; Ramsay's American Revolution, Phila., 1789, vol. I, p. 244; Botta's History War of Independence, 1820, vol. 2, p. 66. 102 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. among them. The one hundredth share of the whole shall be at the disposal of the genl, and given to such soldiers as distinguish themselves by their activity and bravery, and sold at public auction. The whole to be regulated as soon as the city is in our hands and the inhabitants disarmed. - During the whole, General Carlton behaved with the utmost coolness and good conduct, and deserves the greatest credit for keeping the place with such a wretched garrison as Mr MtGomery was pleased to call them. 26th Anchored off the Island of Coudres, which is remarkable for a mountain being rooted up in the year 1663 and thrown upon this island, which was made one half larger than before, and in place of the mountain, there appeared a gulph which is not safe to approach.80 ---------------- 80 These are almost the exact words of Charlevoix, who says: "In 1663 an earthquake rooted up a mountain and threw it upon the Isle aux Coudres which made it one half larger than before." This earthquake, according to a manuscript in the Jesuits' College at Quebec, began on the 5th of February, 1663, at about half-past five o'clock in the afternoon. It extended, as we know, throughout the northern part of America. The first shock, and the most violent one, lasted for half an hour, but it is said the earthquake continued at intervals for a period of six months with inconceivable violence. Forests were uprooted, mountains precipitated into valleys, rivers diverted from their courses and often swallowed up altogether, and even the mighty waters of the St. Lawrence were lashed to sudden whiteness by subterranean commotion, while showers of volcanic ashes darkened the air in some places, but the country being so lightly inhabited, of course no great damage was done. Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 103 29th. Got a pilot to conduct us as quick as possible to Quebec. 30th. Being one of the first ships in the fleet, we were met near the island of Orleans,81 (a beautiful island about 14 leagues in compass and many inhabitants), by the Hope ship going express to England. A lieutenant of a man of war came on board us, and very politely offered to take charge of any letters we might wish to forward to our friends the other side the Atlantic. He informed us General Carlton had made a sally on the enemy, tho. greatly superiour to him in numbers, and drove them with the 29th & 47th regiments, to a strong post they had up the river,82 where he was obliged to halt till our ---------------- From the accounts which have come down to us, it was far more violent than any which has occurred in southern Europe within the historic period. Vide Letters to the Duchesse de Lesdeguieres, London, 1763, p. 15; Josselyn's Two Voyages, Boston, 1865, p. 205; Conquest of Canada, London, 1849, Appendix XXI. 81 The Indian name for this island was, Minigo, but Cartier who discovered it in 1535, gave it the name Isle of Bacchus, on account of the wild grapes found growing there. " Lorsque Jacques Carthier decouvrit cette ile il la trouva toute rem- plie de vignes, et la nomina l'lle de Bacchus. Ce navigateur ιtait Breton, apres lui sont venus de Normands qui ont arrache les vignes et ΰ Bacchus ont substituι Pomme et Cιrθs." Vide Journal Historique, p. 102; Brief Recit., etc., faite en MDXXXV, Paris, 1863, p. 14. 82 This was at Fort Sorel, which took its name from its builder, M. de Sorel, whose name also attached itself to the river, at the mouth of which the fort was placed. It was first named by Champlain, The River of the Iroquois, and subsequently received the name of the Richelieu from the famous Cardinal of that name. 104 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. arrival, they being strongly entrenched. He then proceeded on his voyage. About 12 at night, we came to an anchor before Quebec; Lord Balcarres, our major, and I went on shore. This is the only city in the world that can boast of a port in fresh water 120 leagues from the sea and capable of containing 100 ships of the line, situated on the most navigable river in the world, in latitude 47.56. We then went on board the Isis, a 50 gun ship, commodore Douglas83 commanding, and from him received orders to proceed directly, (the wind being fair), up the river, and ordered another pilot to ---------------- 83 Sir Charles Douglas, "a very good, a very brave and a very honest man," was a descendant of the Earl of Morton, and was appointed a lieutenant in the British navy, December 4, 1753. He was a man of great energy and of a fearless spirit. Finding the ice obstructing his course to Quebec, and being anxious to relieve the besieged forces there, he put his ship before the wind during a gale and ran her with full force against a block of ice twelve feet thick, crumbling it in pieces by the shock. He said in his dispatches: "We now thought it an enterprise worthy of an English ship of the line in our king and country's sacred cause, and an effort due to the gallant defense of Quebec, to make the attempt of pressing her, by force of sail, through the thick, broad and closely connected fields of ice (as formidable as the Gulf of St. Lawrence ever exhibited), to which we saw no bounds." His arrival on the 6th of May before Quebec caused the besiegers to abandon their post. After a life zealously devoted to his country's welfare, he died March 10, 1789, at Musselburgh, formerly Eskmouth, Scotland. Vide Gentleman's Magazine, vol. 2, p. 506; Burke's Peerage and Baronetage, in loco; American Archives, vol. 6, p. 456; British Family Antiquity (Playfair), London, 1811, vol. 7, pp. lxxxix-xcv. Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 105 conduct our ship. It was on the arrival of this man of war the enemy flew, she appearing before Quebec the sixth of May, which was one of the earliest ships that ever made that place before, on account of the ice, and she was near lost, being almost froze in. The great joy expressed by the inhabitants on our informing them what a large body of troops we had coming to their relief is not to be described, after all they had suffered during the winter. 31th. Came to an anchor at Port Neuf 12 leagues above Quebec. The wind not continueing fair, we went on shore and got great plenty of vegetables, &c from the Canadians. The weather was lovely. The country is only cleared about half a mile from the river, and behind such woods, - in all appearance as old as the world itself, - as were not planted by the hands of men. Nothing is more magnificent to the sight; the trees lose themselves in the clouds, and there is such a prodigious variety of species, that even among those persons who have taken most pains to know them, there is not one, perhaps, that knows half the number. Many of our fleet were a small way in our stern waiting for the breeze. June 1st. Received orders to disembark, (the wind still against us or rather a calm), and march up on shore towards the enemy. We were about 500 men - and more, we hoped, not far in our rear - all in great spirits on leaving the ships. Our 14 106 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. camp equipage and other baggage were left on board, to come up when the wind would serve. After easy marches, we came to Trois Riviere84 a neat village and one of the oldest in the colony half way from Quebec to Montreal, the whole being sixty leagues, the river being navigable loo leagues from the sea for large vessels. Troops were joining us fast. I suppose we might then have about 1,000 with some field pieces & many of our ships off the town. We posted strong guards, the enemy being so very near, and intended to halt there till the coming up of the rest of the army. 7th. More of our troops came up by water. 8th. About 4 in the morning an alarm was given by an out picquet, of the approach of a strong body of the enemy. The greatest part of the troops still remained on board as they had arrived late the night before. Soon after the alarm was given, a few shots were heard from one of our armed vessels that was stationed a small way above the village, who fired on part of the enemy advancing between the skirts of the wood and the river. In the mean time, the troops on shore were ordered ---------------- 84 Trois Rivieres is situated at the confluence of the rivers St. Maurice and St. Lawrence, and was thus named on account of an island so dividing the waters as to give the appearance of three rivers. The town was founded in 1618, and at the time Digby saw it, contained about two hundred and fifty houses and twelve hundred inhabitants. At the present time it contains nearly ten thousand inhabitants and is increasing in prosperity. Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 107 to line every avenue from the village to the wood, and take post in the best manner possible. Those on board were ordered to land with the greatest dispatch. About 5 o'clock, strong advanced parties were sent towards the wood, where they discovered the enemy marching down in three columns, who immediately began a heavy fire with small arms, which was instantly returned. In the meantime, a strong reinforcement of our troops with some field pieces arrived, which soon swept the woods and broke their columns, the remains of which were pursued by us as far as was prudent. The enemy from that time did nothing regular; but broken and dispersed, fired a few scattered shots which did little execution. A strong detachment of 1200 men under the command of Lieut Colonel Frazier, marched up the river to try, if possible, to get between [them] & their battows (boats flat bottomed) but the attempt did not succeed thro, their hasty flight. We took 280 prisoners with their general Thompson,85 commanded the ---------------- 85 William Thompson, of whom says Henry, "this is a man," was a native of Ireland, and had served as a captain in the seven years' war. The year before, he had been made colonel of the Pennsylvanian battalion. It had been proposed to give him the command in Virginia, but Washington, although Thompson had served with him at Cambridge and won his esteem, fearing that it would create jealousy, opposed the appointment. Congress, however, soon after raised him to the rank of brigadier-general and assigned him to service in Canada. During the battle, Thompson with Colonel Irvine and a small body of men, were cut off from the main body, and becoming entangled in swamps for twenty-four hours wandered about till exhausted. "We concluded," 108 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. expedition, and six other officers. Upwards of 50 were found killed in the woods, and it was supposed many others, wounded and straglers, must have perished there, for they themselves acknowledge on that day to have lost 630 men. Ours was 5 killed and 14 wounded; no officer was hurt.86 ---------------- said Irvine, "it would be better to deliver ourselves up to British officers than to run the risk of being murdered in the woods by the Canadians; accordingly we went up to a house where we saw a guard and surrendered ourselves, prisoners at discretion." He complained of the treatment of Colonel Nesbit, the officer in command, who hurried them with a crowd of prisoners on a forced march to headquarters, six miles distant, but said that upon their arrival there they found Generals Carleton and Burgoyne, who treated them very politely and ordered for them refreshments, which General Burgoyne himself served. General Riedesel, however, seems to have regarded the captives with contempt, as he alludes to General Thompson as "a certain Thompson who represents a so-called general." He remained a prisoner for two years, when he was exchanged. In a letter to General Heath, Washington wrote, referring to a proposed exchange of Generals Thompson and Hamilton : "If you cannot succeed in that, they" (the Board of War) "desire you to feel the pulse of the two other brigadiers, either of whom we would willingly exchange for General Thompson." He lived but three years after his exchange, and died September 4, 1781, at Carlisle, Pennsylvania. Vide Account of Arnold's Campaign Against Quebec, p. 175; Sparks' Washington, vol. 3, pp. 101, 309, 315, et passim, vol. 5, 358; Ramsay's American Revolution, vol. I, p. 273; Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books, n., p. 176; Memoirs of Major-General Riedesel, Albany, 1868, vol. I, p. 289. 86 After the death of General Thomas, who was withdrawing his forces towards the south in order to place them in as strong and safe positions as possible, the command devolved upon Sullivan, who, from his dispatches, appears to Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 109 9th. About 6 in the evening we came into the village, after leaving strong guards &c out. The transports, supposed to have gone on shore the night of the 7 May, arrived to our great joy; but this was considerably damped by the account of the death of poor Charles Houghton,87 a lieutenant in our regiment and my particular friend. He was killed by a fall from a rock, in the island of Coudres, the chape of his sword running into his temple. His premature death was lamented by all who knew him. The different brigades were then formed, and our corps, consisting of all the light infantry and grenadiers of the army, (viz 9th· 20th· 21st· 24th· 29th· 31st· 34th· 47th· 53rd & 62nd regiments, with the 24th regiment under the command of Brigadier general Frazier, lieutenant colonel of the 24th regiment, and called the advanced corps, ---------------- have been elated at finding himself in possession of the chief command, and he conceived, without knowing the strength of the enemy, the possibility of "recovering," as he expressed it, with his shattered and starving forces, "that ground which former troops have so shamefully lost." In pursuance of this impracticable scheme, for which it is but fair to say he was but partially responsible, since Congress pressed him to it, he pushed the Pennsylvania troops back against the overwhelming forces of the enemy, and thereby sacrificed them, a blunder almost inexcusable under the circumstances. 87 Charles Houghton, Digby's friend, has left no record of his death save in this journal of his companion in arms. A search of the army lists reveals that he was commissioned an ensign in the Fifty-third Foot on November 6, 1769, and a lieutenant on July 3, 1772. He was, it appears, succeeded by William McFarlane, July 10, 1776, but no mention is made of his death. Vide British Army Lists, in loco. 110 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. the rest of the army consisting of the British regiments above named, and German troops under the command of General Reidezel,88 were formed into brigades & brigadier generals commanding them, by which we took leave of our respective regiments till the closing of the campaign. Lord Balcarres, major to the 53d regiment, was appointed major to the light ---------------- 88 Frederick Adolphus Riedesel was born June 3, 1738, at Lauterbach in Rhinehesse, and was in command of the Brunswickers. He entered college at the age of fifteen, but; having his military ardor awakened by witnessing the evolutions of the troops at Marburg, he left the law school there and joined a regiment. He served during the seven years' war with distinction, and was made major-general of the Brunswick troops, which George the Third hired to aid in quelling the rebellion of his American subjects. He was not exchanged until late in the autumn of 1780. After his exchange, he was put in command at Long Island, but in the summer of 1781 resumed his command in Canada. Here he remained until 1783, when he was ordered home. His devoted wife with her children accompanied him through the war, and often shared his perils. Her letters home, giving a graphic account of the scenes witnessed by her during the war, are extremely interesting, and show her to have been a remarkable woman. The Americans were greatly incensed at the employment of foreign troops against them by the British monarch, and exclaimed: "He employs the borrowed tools of the most detestable tyrants of Europe to subvert American liberty and to erect on its ruins the same despotic power of which they are the instruments and guardians in their own native land." The detestation in which these foreign hirelings were held, doubtless caused their acts to be greatly exaggerated. In their own country they were regarded as noble men and brave soldiers, and their martial deeds were embalmed in song. It is well to see how they were received on their return home after their campaign in America, that the scene may be contrasted with the pictures of Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 111 infantry; and major Ackland,89 major 20th regiment, to the battallion of grenadiers. I suppose the army at this period about 9,000. - 10th. Received orders to embark except the above 1,200 under the command of brigadier general Frazier, ---------------- them by American writers. Says Madame Riedesel, writing a few days after her return home: "I had the great satisfaction of seeing my husband, with his own troops, pass through the city. Yes ! these very streets, in which eight and a half years before, I had lost my joy and happiness, were the ones where I now saw this beautiful and soul-stirring spectacle. But it is beyond my power to describe my emotions at beholding my beloved, upright husband, who the whole time had lived solely for his duty, and who had constantly been so unwearied in helping and assisting, as far as possible, those who had been intrusted to him, often, too, out of his own purse, never receiving any return for the expenditure - standing, with tears of joy in his eyes, in the midst of his soldiers, who in turn were surrounded by a joyous and sorrowful crowd of fathers, mothers, wives, children, sisters and friends - all pressing around him to see again their loved ones." This was in the autumn of 1783. General Riedesel lived for seventeen years after this, dying January 6, 1800. Vide Letters and Journal of Madame Riedesel, pp. 2-7; Memoirs of Major-General Riedesel, pp. 2-6; Graham's History of the United States, vol. 6, p. 420. 89 John Dyke Acland was a native of Tetton, Somersetshire, and was born February 21, 1747. He was commissioned an ensign in the Thirty-third Foot, March 23, 1774. He became a captain in the same regiment March 23rd, and a major of the Twentieth Foot, December 16, 1775, by purchase. He commanded the grenadiers, both in the campaign of '76 and that of '77. His bravery and carelessness of exposing himself in battle caused him to be twice wounded in the latter campaign, at Hubbardton through the thighs, and at Bemus Heights through the legs. While lying on the field wounded and partially supported by a fence he would have been murdered by a young barbarian, who was 112 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. who had not then taken the command of the advanced corps but was expected hourly. ---------------- upon the point of shooting him when arrested in his cruel design by Major Wilkinson, who protected him. One of the many patriotic poets of the period referred to him and the lamented Fraser in this manner: "Bleeding and lost the captured Acland lies, While leaden slumbers seal his Eraser's eyes; Fraser ! whose deeds unfailing glories claim, Endear'd by virtue and adorn'd by fame." His wife, the Lady Harriet Acland, accompanied him through the terrible campaign of '77, and by her beauty, refinement and devotion to her husband, has been made the theme of many pens, and gained the admiration of all lovers of exalted virtue. During his brief captivity, he made many friends among the Americans, and on his return to England defended them against unfair criticism. He had recently entered Parliament, when he was suddenly cut short in a most promising career, dying at Pixton, in Somersetshire, November 22, 1778, but a few months after his return from America. Many conflicting accounts have been given of the cause of his death, one making him the victim of a duel growing out of his defense of the Americans. He had indeed, on the morning of his fatal attack, had a harmless duel, when having returned to breakfast he was suddenly seized with apoplexy, and died four days after. Conflicting stories have also been related of his wife's subsequent marriage. Fonblanque and other writers have declared that after her husband's death, she married the chaplain who accompanied her after the battle of Bemus Heights through storm and darkness to the American camp to seek her wounded husband, but Mr. Wm. L. Stone has furnished undoubted proof that she died the widow of Major Acland, July 21, 181 5. Vide Burke's Peerage and Baronetage, and British Army Lists, in loco; A State of the Expedition, p. 127; Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. I, pp. 269-271, 377; Political and Military Episodes, p. 301, et seq.; W. L. Stone in Magazine of American History, for January, 1880; Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books, pp. lii-lvi, 88. Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 113 11th & 12th. Were becalmed. 13th. Sailed up the river with a fair wind as far as lake St. Piere90 where the wind failed us. 14th. About one in the morning, his excellency, general Carlton, came up and immediately ordered the fleet to get under way; the wind then turning fair, but soon after an express arriving and some shots being heard fired on shore [he] ordered them to anchor. The appearance of such a fleet so great a distance from the sea, was well worth seeing, also the beauty of the river, many villages being scattered on its banks, with the mildness of the weather and the verdure of the country, (the trees being then all in bloom), formed a most romantic and charming prospect, particularly after being so many weeks at sea. In less than an hour, the general's ship got under way, [and] sailed ahead towards the frigate, when the whole fleet weighed, and at day light, were ordered to form a line of battle as near as the channel would admit. On our opening [upon] the fort Sorrel, the troops got orders to be in readiness to land on the shortest notice, the signal being a blue ensign at the frigate's mizzen picue. Soon after we received orders for the light infantry and grenadiers of the army, with the first brigade only, to land, and about 9 in the evening, reached the shore under the command of ---------------- 90 This lake was so named by Champlain who entered it June 29th, St. Peter's day. Vide Champlain's Voyages, vol. I, p. 259. 15 114 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. brigadier general Nesbit,91 lieutenant colonel of 47th regiment. - We found the enemy had deserted their lines, and about 10 o'clock the troops took post and lay all night on their arms. 15th. At day break, lieutenant general Burgoyne92 landed with the 9th & 31st Battallions, with six six- ---------------- 91 William Nesbit had been stationed in Massachusetts and was the Lieutenant-Colonel Nesbit who took part in the battles of Lexington and Bunker Hill and participated in the burning of Charlestown. He had at this time been in the king's service twenty-five years, having entered the Thirty-sixth Foot as an ensign, April 20, 1751, and been advanced to a lieutenancy October 15, 1754, and a captaincy in the second battalion of the Thirty-first Foot, September 2, 1756, which became subsequently the Seventieth Foot. Of this regiment he was made Major May 1, 1760, and November 24, 1762, was raised to the lieutenant-colonelcy of the Fourth Foot. This was his rank in the Forty-seventh Foot at the battles of Lexington and Bunker Hill. His regiment was ordered to Canada in the spring of '76, and Nesbit became brigadier-general of the First Brigade. He was a strict disciplinarian, and was accused by the Americans of harshness and cruelty. He was taken suddenly sick during the campaign of '76, and returned to Quebec, where after an illness of a few weeks, he died. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; History of the Siege of Boston (Frothingham), p. 200; American Archives, series 5, vol. 3, p. 1089. 92 John Burgoyne was the descendant of an old and noted family of Sutton. In 1387 it is said that John of Gaunt granted to the family the extensive manors of Sutton and Potton by the following curious deed : "I, John of Gaunt Do give and do graunt Unto Roger Burgoyne And the heirs of his loyne All Sutton and Potton Until the world's rotten." Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 115 pounders, as he was appointed to command the expedition against fort Chamble and fort St ---------------- He was born February 4, 1722-3. The question of his paternity has been discussed by many writers, most ably by Colonel Horatio Rogers, to whose article the reader is referred. He was educated at Westminster, and in 1744 held a commission in the Thirteenth Dragoons. At the age of twenty-one he eloped with Lady Charlotte, the daughter of the Earl of Derby. Four years later he retired from the army and resided on the continent until June 14, 1756, when he re-entered the army with a captain's commission in the Eleventh Dragoons and served under the great Duke of Marlborough in the attacks on Cherbourg and St. Malo in 1758, and on May l0th, of the same year, he was appointed captain-lieutenant in the Second Foot Guards with the army rank of lieutenant-colonel. On August 4, 1759, he was appointed lieutenant-colonel in command of the Six- teenth Dragoons, which achieved fame as "Burgoyne's Light Horse." In 1762, with the rank of colonel in the army and of brigadier-general for the campaign, he served with honor in Spain and returned to England the next year with a brilliant reputation. He had been elected to represent the borough of Midhurst in Parliament in 1762, and served as a representative of this borough for six years, when he was elected to represent Preston, which position he continued to hold through life. He was now at the height of his fame, rich and courted, with a marked reputation as a statesman and literary man. Among other honors conferred upon him, was that of being raised to the rank of major- general in the army May 25, 1772. When the war with America broke out, Burgoyne was one of the first to whom the king turned, and with Clinton and Howe was assigned to service there. The frigate upon which they embarked April 20, 1775, and which reached Boston May 20th, bore the suggestive name of the Cerberus, which inspired the following humorous lines : "Behold the Cerberus the Atlantic plough, Her precious cargo, Burgoyne, Clinton, Howe, Bow, wow, wow." 116 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. Johns,93 the latter on the banks of lake Champlain and the former 12 leagues nearer Quebec; and at 9 o'clock, the army in number about 4000, received orders to march. That night we reached St Denis, about 50 ---------------- He witnessed the battle of Bunker Hill, but took no part in it, and in November returned to England. The remainder of his military career may be traced here in the journal of Digby. Burgoyne's wife died June 7, 1776, while he was engaged in the campaign of that year. Some time after his return from his disastrous campaign in America, he became connected with a public singer with whom he reared out of wedlock, four children, one of whom became the noted field marshal, Sir John Burgoyne. Some of his dramatic compositions attained great popularity and ran through many editions- A complete collection of his works are to be found in the British Museum. He died August 4, 1792, and was buried in Westminster Abbey. Vide Burke's Peerage and Baronetage; British Army Lists, and Chronological Register of Parliament, in loco; Political and Military Episodes, pp. 4-9, 15, 27, 54, et passim; Remembrancer of Public Events, London, 1775, vol. I, p. 16; Registers of Westminster Abbey, p. 250; British Family Antiquity, vol. 6, p. 314. 93 Chambly. This fort as well as the town situated at the foot of the rapids of the river Richelieu or Sorel, twelve miles east, south-east of Montreal, took its title from a Frenchman of that name. It occupied the site of a wooden structure called Fort St. Louis, erected in 1764 to protect the inhabitants from the hostile Iroquois. Chambly was captured by the Americans, October 20, 1775, and had been held by them to this time. Fort St. Johns, about twenty- eight miles south-east of Montreal on the same river, had been taken by Montgomery in November, he having passed it in the night and captured Chambly below, which was not so well garrisoned, as the British supposed that St. Johns would be the object of attack. The works here had been first erected by Montcalm, and subsequently enlarged and strengthened by the British. It was about one hundred and fifteen miles north of Ticonderoga, the American stronghold. Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 117 miles, which, notwithstanding the great heat of the day and the fatigue the men underwent the night before, they executed with the greatest cheerfulness. We heard the enemy were flying before us in the greatest terror. The Canadian voluntiers took one prisoner and shot another who was in liquor and refused to surrender.94 16th The army halted greatly fatigued, owing chiefly to their being so long confined on ship board. ---------------- 94 Jones, on the other side, gives graphic pictures of this retreat. He says that the troops " Had barely quitted one end of Chamblee when the advance-guard of the column under Burgoyne entered it at the other. The sick had been sent on ahead from St. Johns to Isle-aux-Noix. But two men could be spared from those fit for duty to row each boatload of them, and these pulled wearily all night long, with their helpless burdens, against the current of the river, for the distance of twelve miles. They reached Isle-aux- Noix just before day. What more distressing situation can be imagined? The greater number of the sick were utterly helpless, some died on the way, others were dying, - all crying out for relief which could not be furnished them. 'It broke my heart,' wrote Dr. Meyrick, a surgeon who was with them on the Isle-aux-Noix, 'and I wept till I had no more power to weep.' " And another writer speaking of the troops which reached Crown Point: "The broken fragments of the army of Canada presented one of the most distressing sights witnessed during the whole war. Of the five thousand two hundred men collected at Crown Point, two thousand eight hundred were so sick as to require the attention of the hospital, while those reported fit for duty were half naked, emaciated and entirely broken down in strength, spirits and discipline." Vide Campaign for the Conquest of Canada, Philadelphia, 1882, p. 88; History of Lake Champlain, (Palmer) Albany, 1866, p. 115. 118 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 17th The whole moved in the evening and reached Belloeille, eight leagues. 18th Marched at 2 o'clock in the morning for fort Chamble, which we reached about 9 the same day, 13 miles, and found the fort burned, the enemy having retreated to St Johns. We found 4 battows and took 2 prisoners. 'Tis remarkable they did not burn or destroy any bridges from Sorrel; had they done so, it must have delayed us greatly, but between the forts of Chamble and St John's, about 12 miles, they destroyed all the bridges, which in such a wild country are not a few, for every rivulet must have something like a bridge to render it passable, and this detained us some hours. About 12 at noon, the line was ordered to move [on] the enemy, who were not then 5 hours before us. The army marched in the greatest regularity, as from intelligence received, the general had no doubt but he should be attacked on his march, our road leading thro, thick woods. When we got within about a league of St Johns, the general was informed that a party which had been taken for an advance guard of theirs coming out to meet us, was their rear guard, covering their retreat, on which three companies of light infantry were ordered on, which they did on a trot, and reached the fort about dark, finding it abandoned and on fire. The army came up about half an hour after and lay on their arms all night. Following are the general orders from Burgoyne to the army. - Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 119 General Orders. "The expedition on which Lieut Gen. Burgoyne has had the honour to be employed being finished by the precipitate flight of the rebels, he shall think it his duty to make a faithful report to his excellency the commander in chief, of the zeal and activity shewn in the "officers and men under his command, to surmount the difficulties of the march and come to action. Those are principles that cannot fail to produce the most glorious effects whenever the enemy shall acquire boldness enough to put them to the proof. - " Thus was Canada saved with much less trouble than was expected on our embarking from Great Britain. How to pursue them over Lake Champlain, was our next thought, and the tediousness that threatened our operations necessary for so great an expedition was far from pleasing. We had every thing to build, battows to convey the troops over, and armed schooners and sloops to oppose theirs, most of which were taken from us at the breaking out of the affair. It was thought that every thing would be ready in 7 or 8 weeks, but the undertaking was a great one, and, I must say, persevered in with the greatest dispatch possible. Carpenters from all the ships were ordered up with artificers from the different regiments. Most of the Canadians thro. the province were employed in making roads through the woods, bringing up cannons, provisions and all other kind of stores requisite for 120 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. such an undertaking. The disaffected Canadians were obliged to work in irons. Our fleet at that time was got up to Montreal, where, I believe, they before never saw such a one. The island of Montreal is ten leagues long from east to west and near four leagues in breadth. A mountain rises in the middle about half a league from the town, which is a long square situated on the bank of the river. Boats from all the ships were sent round by the river Sorrel, (which runs into the St Lawrence at that town,) with every article wanting at fort St Johns. There was a carrying place of 6 or 7 miles between that place and fort Chamble, where all boats and battows were drawn over by rollers, with a great number of horses. Two sloops of war carrying 1 2 guns each, then lying at Chamble, were attempted to be so brought up, but found not practicable, on which their guns were taken out, the vessels taken to pieces and rebuilt at St Johns, during which time, other hands were busyily employed in building the Carlton, a 12 gun schooner, and the Inflexible, a 28 gun frigate, also a floating battery of great strength, carrying mortars, shells &c and 24 pounders; during which the army was encamped as contiguously to the lake as possible. July 5th We were joined by a nation of savages, many more were shortly expected at our camp, and I must say their appearance came fully up [to] or even surpassed the idea I had conceived of them. They were much encouraged by Gen Carlton, as Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 121 useful to the army in many particulars, but their cruel and barbarous custom of scalping95 must be shocking to an European; though practised on our enemies. They walked freely thro, our camp and came into our tents without the least ceremony, wanting brandy or rum, for which they would do anything, as their greatest pleasure is in getting beastly intoxicated. Their manner of dancing the war dance is curious and shocking, being naked and painted in a most frightful manner. When they give the war whoop or yell, (which is a signal for engaging) they appear more like infernals, than of the human kind; but more of them hereafter. The weather was then intensely hot, scarce bearable in a ---------------- 95 We are told that the torture of prisoners had its origin with the Iroquois, and was adopted by other Indian tribes throughout America; but the practice was world-wide before America was discovered. The fearful accounts in the relations of the Jesuits of the tortures inflicted upon their captives by the savages, find an almost exact parallel in Maccabees, where Antiochus not only mutilates and burns, but scalps his victims. Scalping was also common among the Scythians. "The modern scalping-knife," says Catlin, "is of civilized manufacture, made expressly for Indian use, and carried into the Indian country by thousands. His untutored mind has not been ingenious enough to design or execute any thing so savage or destructive as these civilized refinements in Indian barbarity. If I should ever cross the Atlantic with my collection, a curious enigma would be solved for the English people who may inquire for a scalping-knife, when they find that every one in my collection bears on its blade the impress G. R." Vide 2 Maccabees 7, pp. 3-20; Moeurs des Sauvages (Lafitau), vol. 2, p. 287; American Indians (Catlin), vol. I, p. 236. 16 122 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. camp, where the tents rather increased than diminished it, and the great number of men in so small a space made it very disagreeable, though we all went as thinly clothed as possible, wearing large loose trousers to prevent the bite of the moscheto, a small fly which was then very troublesome. Our men in general were healthy, and not much troubled with fevers and fluxes, so common when encamped in a warm climate, and lying nights on the ground under heavy dew. The tree spruce, which grows there in great plenty, as indeed in most parts of America, is an excellent antiscorbutic, and when made into beer is far from a disagreeable flavour. The Canadians in general are a very happy set of people. They possess all the vivacity of their ancestors, the French, and in the country appear on an equal footing; their noblesse choosing mostly to reside in Montreal or Quebec, both good towns and many English settled there. It would be the greatest presumption in me to attempt a description of the customs, manners, curiosities, trade &c of Canada. For such I must refer the reader to many abler hands who have more fully expatiated on them than I could pretend to do. 22d. Lieut Frazier96 9 regt and lieut Scott97 24 regt were sent on a party of observation by gen Frazier ---------------- 96 Alexander Fraser was a nephew of General Simon Eraser, and had served in the Ninth Regiment of Infantry ---------------- 97 Thomas Scott was commissioned an ensign in the Twenty-fourth Foot May 20, 1761, and served in Germany Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 123 to discover if possible what the enemy were about on the lake. They had 12 regulars and about 30 Indians in cannoes. The bark cannoes are the best and will paddle very swift. They are made in ---------------- for ten years, having been commissioned a lieutenant October 25, 1766. He was made a captain-lieutenant May 13, 1776, on which date Central Carleton, in an order, directed him to report to General Burgoyne, "in order to receive his commands relative to the assembling of the Indians," and it appears that he was placed in command of a body of these blood-thirsty savages, whom he found it no easy matter to control. We are told that on a certain occasion, having friends to dine, the Indians of his command unceremoniously came into the room where he was entertaining his guests and insisted upon drinking with them. He at first prevailed upon them to retire by giving them a bottle of rum, but they soon returned, under pretense of having business with him, and grew so troublesome that he was obliged to break up his entertainment. Having been dispatched to Canada before the surrender of Burgoyne, he escaped captivity with his fellow soldiers. He was transferred to the Thirty-fourth Foot November 11, 1776; was made major in the army November 18, 1790; lieutenant-colonel March 1, 1794, and of the Forty-fifth Foot, September 1, 1795, and shortly after disappears from the army lists. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Letters of Sir Guy Carleton, 1776-78, vol. I, p. 482; Travels Through the Interior Parts of America, vol. I, pp. 214-19. ---------------- the following year, and later at Gibraltar. He was advanced to a lieutenancy June 7, 1765. He served through this and the subsequent campaign with distinction, and was made a captain-lieutenant July 14, 1777. He was intrusted by Burgoyne, after the terrible battle at Freeman's Farm, with the dangerous service of conveying dispatches through the American lines to General Clinton, which would subject him to certain death if discovered. He has left a journal of his adventures upon this occasion. After eleven days, in 124 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. the following manner : the bark which is very thin, they lay on flat ribs mostly made of cedar. These ribs are confined their whole length by small cross bars which separate the seats of the cannoe. Two main pieces of the same wood, to which these little ---------------- which he encountered hardship and peril, he reached Clinton just after he had captured Fort Montgomery, and delivered his dispatches. On the next day he set out on his return to the imperiled army of Burgoyne, and, after several days, making his way through woods and marshes, he heard rumors of Burgoyne's capitulation, and found it impossible to get through the American lines. He therefore turned back and was fortunate enough to reach Clinton's fleet in safety. He shortly after found his way to Canada, and on October 8th was appointed captain in the Fifty-third Regiment, a portion of which had been left by Burgoyne to garrison Ticonderoga. He served with marked ability in Canada, returning to England in 1788. After severe service on the continent, in which he participated in many battles, he was promoted to the rank of major November 13, 1793, and on the 27th of October, 1794, lieutenant-colonel of the Ninety-fourth Regiment by purchase, and, in 1796, was adjutant-general to the forces at the Cape of Good Hope. During the year 1799 he was in command of a native brigade in India, and participated in the taking of Seringapatam. On January 1, 1801, having returned to England the previous year broken in health by severe and almost constant service for forty years, he was made colonel by brevet, and assigned to the recruiting service. On August 10, 1804, he was promoted to the rank of brigadier-general, and April 25, 1808, major-general on the North Britain staff, in which position he served until June 4, 1813, when he received his last appointment of lieutenant-general in the army, a position which he had earned by service of the most arduous kind performed with unusual judgment and zeal. He died in 1814. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Captain Scott's Journal, quoted by Fonblanque. pp. 287-QO; Burgoyne's Orderly Book, pp. 53-55. Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 125 bars are sewed, strengthen the whole machine. Between the ribs and the bark they thrust little pieces of cedar which are thinner still than the ribs, and which help to strengthen the cannoe, the two ends of which rise by degrees and insensibly end in sharp points that turn inwards. These two ends are exactly alike, so that to change their course and turn back, the canoemen need only change hands. He who is behind, steers with his oar, working continually, and the greatest occupation of him who is forward, is to take care that the cannoe touches nothing to burst it. They sit or kneel on the bottom, and their oars are paddles of 5 or 6 feet long, commonly of maple; but when they go against a current that is pretty strong, they must use a pole and stand upright. One must have a good deal of practice to preserve a ballance in this exercise, for nothing is lighter and, of consequence, easier to overset than these cannoes, the greatest of which, with their loading does not draw more than half a foot of water, and will carry 12 men, two upon a seat, and 4000 pounds weight. The smallest of these will carry a sail, and with a good wind can make 20 leagues in a day. Without sails they must be good canoemen to make 12 leagues in a dead water. - About 20 miles from St John's near the Isle aux- Noix - island of nuts - they fell in with a party of the enemy, and, after some fireing, brought them to us prisoners, with the loss only of one Indian and a few wounded. The captains name was 126 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. Wilson,98 who informed us they were very strong at Grown Point99 and Ticonderoga,100 both places ---------------- 98 James Armstrong Wilson, son of Thomas Wilson and Jean Armstrong, was born in 1752 in the Cumberland valley, and came from warlike stock, some of his ancestors having served as officers in the French and Indian wars. When the Revolution opened, he raised a company of which he was commissioned captain January 9, 1776. This company was included as number five in Colonel William Irvine's, or the Sixth Pennsylvania Regiment. He had command of a party of thirty men, and was on a reconnoissance, when without exercising sufficient prudence, he penetrated to the river Sorel, where he encountered the British and Indians, under the command of Captain Craig. Wilson's men fought so well as to excite the admiration of their foes. Two men on each side lost their lives; one of the British infantry being mortally wounded, and one of their Indian allies killed; and on the American side, likewise, one man was killed and another mortally wounded. After his release from captivity he returned to his home near Carlisle, Pennsylvania, where he remained until his exchange was effected. He was subsequently commissioned a major in one of the regiments of the Pennsylvania line, then being organized, but owing to disability caused by exposure in the Canadian campaign he was compelled to retire from service. He continued in failing health until March 17, 1783, when he died, in the thirty- ---------------- 99 Crown Point is on the western shore of Lake Champlain, about ninety miles north of Albany. On the peninsula, which is nearly a mile in width, the French built a fort in 1731, which they named Fort St. Frederic, in honor of Frederic Maurepas, the secretary of state at that time. ---------------- 100 Ticonderoga, or Cheonderoga (brawling waters) as the Indians called it, a promontory at the outlet of Lake George, has been the scene of many battles, and its soil has been often enriched with human blood. There can be but little doubt that on this historic spot occurred the battle which Champlain so graphically describes as having taken place Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 127 of great strength by nature, and neither men nor cannon wanting to make them more so; also their force on the lake was great and much superior, ---------------- sixth year of his age The Carlisle Gazette thus spoke of him: "The many virtues of this good and amiable man endeared him in a particular manner to all who knew him. In him his country has lost a disinterested and inflexible patriot." Major Wilson married Margaret, daughter of Captain Robert Miller of the Revolution, who, with several children, survived him. I am indebted for important facts in this note to the kind- ness of Dr. W. H. Egle, of Harrisburg, State Librarian of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. ---------------- In 1759 this fort was captured by the British and Provincials, under General Amherst, and was taken from them by the Americans, under command of Colonel Seth Warner, in May, 1775, there being at this time a garrison of but twelve men in the fort. ---------------- between the Iroquois and the Hurons, in which he took part so unwarrantably in the summer of 1609. From immemorial time it had served as the gateway between the vast tribal regions of the south and those of the north. Here, so well suited was the place for a defensive post, Montcalm, in 1756, built his fort, and, with "the poet's tongue of baptismal flame," called it Carillon, on account of the music of the waterfall near by, which reminded him of a chime of bells. But the sweet voice of the waterfall was drowned by the harsh din of battle in 1758, between the English and French. In this battle, the English under Abercrombie were defeated. The next year Amherst laid siege to and captured it. For sixteen years it remained in the possession of the English, when Ethan Allen, in 1775, took it from the English, who retook it in 1777, but were soon forced to part with it. In 1778 it was again taken by General Haldeman, but was soon abandoned to the Americans. Vide Champlain's Voyages, Prince Society, vol. 2, p. 223; Hinton's Hist. U. S., vol. I, pp. 172, 174, 231 et passim. 128 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. he believed, to any we could bring against them that year. The fort of St Johns, at the time it was attacked by the enemy, was garrisoned by a few companies of the 26th regmt. They stood out some days but were obliged to surrender to superior numbers. The remainder of the regiment, with part of the 7th were at Chamble, where they made but a very short stand; less than even the enemy imagined. There they took a great store of powder which might have been easily destroyed, and turned out the means of their rapid movement toward Quebec, the capital. - 101 25th As brig, gen Gordon,102 who commanded the first brigade of British, was rideing from St Johns ---------------- 101 The following account of the capture of Fort St. John is from Hadden's Journal, pp. 2 and 3: "The fort at Chamblee or rather the Shell of a large square House loop holed, is an ancient structure raised about 50 Feet, totaly of Masonry and intended as a defence against the sudden attack of the Savages. It was surrender'd by Major Stopford (last year) to the Rebels (who brought 1 Gun & a Horse load of powder against it) after firing a few Shot: and he neglected to destroy a large quantity of powder then in the Fort, they were enabled to return and attack Fort St. Johns. The powder might have been thrown into the Rapids as the Fort is immediately above them. There was also a Well in the Fort. Timidity and Folly in this instance seem to have been the cause of all the succeeding misfortunes in Canada. I did not learn that any Men were Killed or wounded in the Fort, and it certainly might have held out long enough for the Enemy to have expended all their ammunition, in which case they must have abandoned their enterprise. On the contrary with the above supplies they besieged and took St. Johns in about Six weeks." 102 Patrick Gordon was commissioned in the First Foot as captain, or first lieutenant, January 22, 1755, and promoted Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 129 to Lapraire, (about 4 leagues) he was shot by a scouting party of the enemy from the wood; two balls took place in his shoulder, of which he died the following day, and in a general order to the ---------------- to the captaincy of the second battalion of the same regiment, February 16, 1756, and major of the One Hundred and Eighth Foot, October 17, 1761. He was raised to the lieutenant-colonelcy of the Twenty-ninth Foot previous to the departure of the troops from Ireland, and soon after his arrival in Canada was further rewarded by having bestowed upon him a brigadier-general's commission. He died on the first of August, and was buried at Montreal on the third. Had- den says: "About the 2nd of August Brigadier Genll Gordon was wounded and died. Lord Petersham narrowly escaped the same fate. The distance between St. Johns and Montreal, passing by Chamblee, is about 30 miles; on this Road the Army lay encamped or Canton'd, but there was a shorter route by La Prairie and this tho. unguarded, was thought secure from the distance & panic of the Enemy, and Officers constantly travell'd it without escorts. The Rebels having information of this circumstance and wishing for intelligence, detached one Whitcomb, with four others to waylay this Road, and they succeeded but too well. Whitcomb shot Gen'l Gordon when he might have taken him Prisoner. The day following he seized & carried off, the Qr. Master of the 29th Reg't and a Noncommissioned Officer, who knew nothing of the late accident. Whitcomb returned by the edge of Lake Champlain and got safe into Tyconderoga with his Prisoners tho. pursued by the Savages." Whitcomb's own account of this transaction is as follows: "Twenty third, early in the morning, I returned to my former place of abode, stood there the whole day, saw twenty three carts laden with barrels and tents going to St. Johns. Twenty fourth, staid at the same place till about twelve o'clock then fired on an officer, and moved immediately into Chambly road; being discovered, retreated back into the woods and staid till night; then taking the road and passing the guards till I came below Chambly, finding myself discovered, was obliged to conceal 17 130 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. army from his excellency, general Carlton, after having expatiated on such a cowardly and cruel manner of carrying on the war; he describes the dress, person &c of the scout, their captain, called ---------------- myself in the brush till dark." The next day he completed his escape. Anburey gives an interesting account of the affair, and says that after being wounded, "The General immediately rode as fast as he could to the camp at St. Johns, which he had but just reached, when with the loss of blood and fatigue, he fell from his horse; some soldiers took him up and carried him to the hospital, where, after his wound was dressed, and he was a little at ease, he related the circumstance, which being immediately made known to General Carleton, a party of Indians were sent out to scour the woods, and search for Whitcomb, but in vain, as he hastened back to Ticonderoga. General Carleton, however, imagining he might be lurking about the woods, or secreted in the house of some disaffected Canadian, issued out a proclamation among the inhabitants, offering a reward of fifty guineas to any one that would bring Whitcomb, alive or dead, to the camp. A few days after this, General Gordon died of his wound, in whose death we sincerely lamented the loss of a brave and experienced officer. When Whitcomb returned to Ticonderoga, and informed the General who commanded there, that although he could not take an officer prisoner, he believed he had mortally wounded one, the General expressed his disapprobation in the highest terms, and was so much displeased at the transaction, that Whitcomb, in order to effect a reconciliation, offered his services to go again, professing he would forfeit his life, if he did not return with a prisoner." We shall see how well he performed this promise. General James Wilkinson calls Whitcomb an assassin, and doubtless states correctly that the shooting of Gordon was looked upon by the Americans as a criminal act. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Hadden's Journal, pp. 4-6; American Archives, Fifth Series, vol. I, p. 828; Travels Through the Interior Parts of America, vol. I, p. 256; Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. I, p. 69. Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 131 Whitcomb103 a famous ranger from Connecticut, wishing, should he be taken, he might be spared for the hands of the hangman, a soldier's death being too honourable for such a wretch. ---------------- 103 Lieutenant Benjamin Whitcomb was one of the most active and daring scouts on the American side. For his services he was, shortly after this date, made a major. After shooting General Gordon and narrowly escaping capture by the troops and Indians sent in pursuit of him, which would have resulted in his immediate execution, being stung by the reproaches of some of his companions in arms, who regarded the shooting of Gordon a criminal act, he immediately returned to the place where the shooting took place, though it seemed certain death for him so to do, avowing it as his purpose to capture an officer or lose his life in the attempt. The result was the capture by him of the quarter- master, Alexander Saunders, and a non-commissioned officer, both of whom he carried prisoners safely to Ticonderoga. Anburey relates the particulars of the affair: " The regiment of which our friend S[aunders] is Quarter-master, having occasion for some stores from Montreal, he was going from the camp at St. John's to procure them; he was advised not to go this road, but by way of Chamblee, on account of the late accident; but you know him to be a man of great bravery and personal courage, joined with uncommon strength; resolving not to go so many miles out of his road for any Whitcomb whatever, he jocosely added that he should be very glad to meet with him, as he was sure he should get the reward; in this, however, he was greatly mistaken, his reward being no other than that of being taken prisoner himself. Previous to his setting out he took every precaution, having not only loaded his fusee, but charged a brace of pistols; when he came near to the woods I have already described, he was very cautious, but in an instant Whitcomb and the two men he had with him sprung from behind a thick brush and seized him before he could make the least resistance; they then took from him his fusee and pistols, tied his arms behind him with ropes, 132 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 29th. By a flag of truce, the general sent all the prisoners taken at Trois Rivieres on parole to their respective homes, relying on their word of not bearing arms till duly exchanged; how they attended to their parole I am not a judge, though many were of ---------------- and blindfolded him. It was three days before they reached the canoe that had been concealed, during which time they had but very scanty fare; a few hard biscuits served to allay their hunger, while the fruit of the woods was a luxury! When Whitcomb had marched him to such a distance as he thought he could not make his escape, were he at liberty, through fear of losing himself, for the greater ease on his own part and to facilitate their march, they untied his hands and took the cloth from his eyes. - At night, when they had partaken of their scanty pittance, two out of the three used to sleep whilst the other kept watch. The first night he slept through fatigue; on the second, as you may naturally suppose, from his great anxiety of mind, he could not close his eyes, in the middle of which an opportunity occurred whereby he could have effected his escape, for the man whose watch it was, fell fast asleep. He has since told me how his mind wavered for a length of time, what measures to pursue; he could not bear the idea of putting them to death, though' justified by the rules of war; if he escaped from them, they might in all probability retake and ill-treat him. The great hazard of all, which determined him to abide by his fate, was, that by being so many miles in a tract of wood, where he could not tell what direction to take (having been blind- folded when he entered it), he might possibly wander up and down till he perished with hunger. In this restless state he remained till daybreak, when they resumed their march, and in the evening came to the creek where the canoe was concealed." The next morning Whitcomb reached Ticonderoga with his prisoners. The shooting of Gordon stirred up much bitterness of feeling against the Americans, and when a flag of truce was sent by them to the British the day after Gordon's death. General Carleton issued the following proclamation: Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 133 opinion it would soon be forgot on their getting clear from Canada.104 ---------------- HEAD QUARTERS, QUEBEC, Augt. 4th 1776. "The commanding Officers of Corps will take especial care that every one under their command be informed, that Letters or messages from Rebels, Traitors in Arms against the King, Rioters, disturbers of the public Peace, Plunderers, Robbers, Assassins, or Murderers, are on no occasion to be admitted : That should emmissaries from such lawless Men again presume to approach the Army, whether under the name of Flag of Truce Men or Ambassadors except when they come to implore the King's mercy, their persons shall be immediately seized and committed to close confinement to be proceeded against as the Law directs: Their Papers & Letters for whomsoever directed (even this Com'r in Chief) are to be deliver'd to the Provost Martial, that unread and unopen'd they may be burnt by the hands of the common Hangman." The following is extracted from an order of General Phil- lips, issued from Chamblee the 26th of July. After speaking of the shooting of General Gordon, he says : "The Person who commanded the Party which attacked General Gordon is Whitcomb of Connecticut calling himself Lieutenant. He is between 30 and 40 years of Age, to appearance near 6 feet high, rather thin than otherwise, light brown Hair tied behind, rough Face, not sure whether occasioned by the small Pox or not. He wears a kind of under Jacket without Sleeves, slash Pockets, leather Breeches, grey woolen or yarn Stockings, and Shoes. Hat ---------------- 104 The kindness of General Carleton to his prisoners was never forgotten by them. Henry, one of those released prisoners whom Digby here alludes to, calls him the "Amiable, it might be said, admirable Major Carleton." After their parole, a copy of which may be seen in Henry's account, he says: "Captain Prentis procured me permission from government with a few friends to traverse the city. An officer of the garrison attended us. Our first desire was 134 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. August 14th. Our corps moved up to the Isle Aux Noix,'°5 in such battows as were ready, by which the first brigade took up our ground at St John's, and was, of course, a general movement to the army. The island is about one mile long and half a one in breadth, mostly covered with wood, which in a short time we cleared for our camp, which was badly situated, being in a swamp, and much troubled with ---------------- flapped, a gold Cord tied round it. He had a Forelock, Blanket, Pouch and Powder Horn. "Should he, or any of his Party, of the same nature, come within reach of our Men, it is hoped they will not honor them with Soldier's Deaths if they can possibly avoid it, but reserve them for due Punishment, which can only be effected by the Hangman." Vide Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books, pp. 7, 8, 237; Travels Through the Interior Parts of America, vol. I, pp. 258-263. ---------------- to see the grave of our general and those of his aids, as well as those of the beloved Hendricks and Humphreys. The graves were within a small place of interment, neatly walled with stone. The coffins of Montgomery, Cheeseman and McPherson were well arranged side by side. Those of Hendricks, Humphreys, Cooper, etc., were arranged in the south side of the inclosure; but, as the burials of these heroes took place in a dreary winter, and the earth impenetrable, there was but little soil on the coffins, the snow and ice, which had been the principal covering, being now dissolved. The foot of the general's coffin was exposed to the air and view. The coffin was well formed of fir plank. Captain Prentis assured me that the graves should be deepened and the bodies duly deposited, for he also knew Montgomery as a fellow soldier and lamented his untimely fate. Vide Arnold's Campaign Against Quebec, p. 170. ---------------- 105 Isle-aux-Noix, situated at the northern extremity of Lake Champlain and commanding the entrance to the Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 135 snakes &c The old lines thrown, up by the French, [in the] last war, when they expected General Amherst106 from Crown Point, were mostly out of repair and cost us some fatigue to put them in a state of defence, as also to throw up others towards the enemy. I cannot here omit inserting an epitaph wrote by the enemy on the grave of a captain, lieutenant and two privates, who were, a few days before their main body sailed from the island, and a little after our arrival at St Johns, scalped by some of our Indians, after having surprised them, though the most positive orders to the contrary were given by General Burgoyne, with a reward offered for prison- ---------------- Richelieu or Sorel, was so named by Champlain on account of the abundance of nut trees found growing there by him. In the campaign alluded to by Digby, the fortification of the island by the French is described by Sismondi, and seems to be of sufficient interest to reproduce here. He says: "Ils durent ιvacuer encore la position de Fort Frιdιric (Crown Point). Toutefois leur commandant, Burlamanque, se fortifia ΰ l'Ile-aux-Noix, ΰ l'extremitι du Lac Champlain; et comme il avoit encore sous ses ordres trois mille cinq cents hommes, il rιussit a fermer le chemin de Quebec au Gιnιral Amherst, et ΰ l'empθcher de seconder l'attaque du Gιnιral contre cette ville." Vide Histoire des Franηais, vol. 29, ch. 54. 106 I. Jeffery Amherst was born in Kent, January 29, 1717, and entered the army at the early age of fourteen years. He saw active service on the continent under General Legineu, upon whose staff he served, and by his ability rose rapidly in rank. In 1758 he was a major-general, and in that year engaged in the conquest of Canada, aided by New England troops, who entered into the contest with enthusiasm; indeed, it was in this war that the men who were now 136 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. ers to prevent scalping. The following was wrote on an old board at the head of the grave, which is no bad ruff production, and I wish with all my heart there had been no occasion to have shewn the author's talents on such a melancholy subject. I shall not speak of the horrid cruelty of such a custom being well assured the reader's heart must detest such barbarity, and be roused against the cruel savages who inflicted [it], though on our enemies, who still are our fellow creatures, on whom the rules of war even among the most uncivilized nations do not justify the exertion of such a scene of torture.
Beneath this humble sod Lie Capn Adams, Lieut Culbertson & 2 privates of the 2d Pensilvanian regiment. Not Hirelings but Patriots Who fell ----- not in battle, but unarmed, Who were barbarously murdered and inhumanly scalped by the emissaries of the once just but now abandoned Kingdom of Britain. Sons of America rest in quiet here, Britannia blush, Burgoyne let fall a tear. And tremble Europe's Sons with savage race Death and revenge await you with disgrace.107
---------------- opposing the British troops in their attempt to subjugate them were trained in arms. For his success in wresting Canada from the French, he received the order of the Bath. In 1763 he was made governor of Virginia, and in 1770 of the Isle of Guernsey. In 1772 he was made commander-in- chief of the army, and in 1776 was created a baron. He ---------------- 107 Very few particulars of this distressing occurrence have come down to us. Robert Adams was the son of Thomas
BritishInvasion-136b.jpg Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 137 The main land was but a small distance from us, it scarce there deserves the name of a lake, it being ---------------- died, after a most brilliant career, August 3, 1787. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; The Conquest of Canada, pp. 230-277, et passim; History of the United States (Hinton), Boston, 1834, vol. I, Book 2; History of Nova Scotia (Haliburton), Halifax, 1829, vol. I, pp. 199-229. ---------------- and Katherine Adams, and was born in 1745 in what was subsequently Toboyne township, in Cumberland county, Pennsylvania. He was a soldier in the Bouquet expedition to the westward in 1764, and when the Revolution opened he raised a company of "Associators," which formed the second company of Colonel William Irvine's regiment, of which he was commissioned captain, January 9, 1776. Joseph Culbertson was the son of Alexander and Margaret Culbertson, and was born in 1753 in the Cumberland Valley. His ancestors came from the North of Ireland about the year 1730, subsequently locating about seven miles from what is now Chambersburg. Owing to several contiguous farms being owned by different members of the family, the place was known as "Culbertson's Row." Joseph was an early "Associator," and received his commission as ensign in Captain Wilson's company, January 9th, the same day that Adams received his. He had two brothers in the Pennsylvania line, Robert and Samuel, both officers. It would appear that Adams and Culbertson, in company with several other officers and men, on the 21st of June, crossed from their camp at Isle-aux-Noix to the western shore of the lake for the purpose of fishing, and not supposing any enemy to be in the vicinity, took no arms with them. Near the shore was the house of a Frenchman who sold spruce beer to the soldiers, a beverage which was not only refreshing, but supposed to possess medicinal virtues and very popular at this time. A small band of Indians, in which were two Canadians, were in ambush on the shore of the lake watching their movements, and surprised them while they were stopping at the Frenchman's house to drink, killing Adams and Culbertson and two of their companions, 18 138 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. not very broad, but the shore is such a swamp and so thick with wood, that you can scarce land, and those unbounded forests quite uninhabited, except by Indians and other savage beasts. 30th For some days past we had the most severe and constant rain; it poured through all our tents and almost flooded the island; yet the days were very hot with violent bursts of thunder, attended with frequent flashes of lightening. The idea of service to those who have not had an opportunity of seeing any, may induce them to believe the only hardship a soldier endures on a campaign is the danger attending an action, but there are many others, perhaps not so dangerous, yet, in my opinion, very near as disagreeable, - remaining out whole nights under rain and almost frozen with cold, with very little covering, perhaps without being able to light a fire; fearing the enemy's discovering the post, and ---------------- and, with the exception of two who escaped, carrying the others into captivity. The men thus cruelly murdered, for they had no arms and were therefore incapable of defense, were scalped and mutilated in the usual barbarous manner of the Indians. As soon as Colonels Wayne and Hartley heard of the affair, they started in pursuit of the murderers, but failed to capture them. They, however, destroyed the house and mill of a Tory named McDonald, who was supposed to have furnished information to the savages. This "accident" Wilkinson suggests, caused General Sullivan to evacuate his position at Isle-aux-Noix. Vide A Letter from Crown Point, American Archives, vol. 6, pp. 1253, 1270; Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. I, p. 61. I am indebted for several important particulars in this note to Dr. Wm. H. Egle of Harrisburg, librarian of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 139 not knowing the moment of an attack; but always in expectation of one; not that I would be thought to insinuate from this a preference to the former, excepting when the nature of the service required it, and visible advantages were likely to flow from it. We had a guard about 4 miles above the island, on the main land, where there were great flocks of wolves. During the night we could hear them after a deer through the woods, and then cry something like a pack of hounds in full chase. They often came near our out Gentries, but they being loaded, did not much mind them. Sep 2d I went on duty to St Johns, and was present at the launching of the Carleton schooner. She was compleat in guns &c. &c. and the command of her given to lieut. Decars108 of the navy. - ---------------- 108 James Richard Dacres, who was now put in command of the Carleton, was born in February, 1749, and entered the navy at the early age of thirteen years. He was a lieutenant on the ship which bore Burgoyne to Quebec. In the battle which followed his appointment to the command of the Carleton, he was severely wounded and supposed to be dead; indeed, he was about to be consigned to the waters of the lake, when a brother officer interfered and his life was thereby saved. He recovered sufficiently from his wounds to be the bearer of dispatches to England announcing the particulars of the engagement. In these dispatches his gallantry was highly commended by Capt. Pringle, and he was soon put in command of the sloop-of-war Ceres, which was subsequently captured by the French frigate Iphigenie. He was made a post-captain September 13, 1780, and was engaged in many, brilliant naval achievements during the next few years. For his important services to the crown he was made a rear-admiral of the Blue, February 14, 1799, of the 140 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 3rd. About 10 o'clock at night an alarm was given by a cannoe full of Indians, that the enemy were bearing down upon the island (the wind being fair for them) with 6 or 7 schooners & sloops, and many battows full of men, on which General Frazier desired we might stand to our arms without the least noise or beating of drums & there wait their arrival. Our works were not near finished, but what cannon we had were immediately drawn up to the embrasures to play on them while landing. Our advanced corps, which was all the force we had on the island, consisted of about 1400 men all in good health and spirits and well prepared to give them a warm reception. An express was directly sent down in a cannoe to Genl Carlton at St Johns, acquainting him with the above particulars and stateing the strength of the island, &c. &c. I shall here insert general Frazier's orders to us, as it may be the cause of the reader's having some idea of the island. BRIGADE ORDERS. In case of an alarm, the Battallion of Grenadiers to form behind the lines directly in their front. The ---------------- White, January 1, 1801, and of the Red, April 23, 1804, and in the latter year was put in command f the Jamaica station, where he remained until 1808, being promoted to the rank of vice-admiral of the White, November 9, 1805. He died in England, January 6, 1801. Vide Royal Naval Biography (Marshall), part 1, vol. 2, p. 29; Universal Magazine, London, vol. 59, pp. 270-2; Ibid., vol, 62, p. 274; London Chronicle, vol. 48, p. 282; Ibid., vol, 49, pp. 40, 214; Allen's Battles British Navy, vol. I, pp. 391, 415; Annual Register for 1799, 1801, 1804. Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 141 light infantry will man the lines in their front, their left towards their own quarter guard, and the 24th regiment to form on the right of the light Infantry. The ofificer commanding the Grenadiers to detach a subaltern and 40 privates to assist in working the long 12 pounders and howitzers placed to guard the west passage of the river. The ofificer commanding the Light Infantry to send one captain, one subaltern and 60 privates to the 4 gun battery which guards the East passage. The officer commanding the 24th regiment will send a subaltern and 40 men to the bastion in which the 4 six pounders are; these detachments to be made immediately on hearing an alarm. The whole to strike their tents and leave them on the ground. The men are to get under arms without the beating of drums or making the least noise; they are to be particularly careful not to throw away their ammunition by fireing at too great a distance. Officers will be very attentive that the men are well covered by the works from the fire of shipping. All guards without the lines, to retire to the inside on the appearance of shipping. The guards at the landing place to remain, and to take care that no person takes a battow without permission. The serjeant of that guard will likewise take charge of all the wooden cannon, and to be under the charge of the centry. A non commissioned officer of the Artillery to be at the store for the purpose of delivering ammunition, the surjions to take post there. The women and children to go 142 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. immediately to the northern extremity of the island, where the bullocks are to be drove. The general will take post at the 4 gun battery in front of the light Infantry. An orderly officer from each Battallion to attend him. to carry orders. The Canadian labourers to be divided in three parts, and a division to be placed in the rear of each battallion with spades, pick axes and hand barrows. Artificers, convalescents, and every person in the least able to serve to take arms. Captain Monning's109 company of Canadians to retire to Scot's farm, and the guard behind Blury river110 to advance to Livingston's house; these posts to be defended to the last extremity. During the night we rested on our arms expecting them every minute. 4th. About 6 in the morning, we very distinctly heard 13 or 14 cannon shot, and imagined they were fireing on a small guard of ours up the river. Capn Frazier and a few Indians were sent out to try, if possible, to take a prisoner. All hands were ordered out to throw up more works, and the Enemies delay surprised us, as they well knew the ---------------- 109 Monin commanded an irregular company of Canadians, and was engaged with the reckless McKay in expeditions against the Americans, small parties of whom he surprised and either killed or captured. These men, on account of their cruelty, were warmly hated by the Patriots, who repaid them in their own coin whenever occasion offered. Monin was killed in the battle of Freeman's Farm September 19, 1777. 110 The Bleurie river is opposite Isle-aux-Noix and empties into Jackson's creek. Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 143 more time we had to repair our works, the stronger the island would be. We continued very impatient for a prisoner to acquaint us with their intentions, not judging what their aim could be by bringing so large a force so very near and yet not attacking us. 5. Captain Frazier returned without any intelligence, except counting their vessels. On being perceived, they gave chase, but he being in a birch cannoe soon got clear of them. 6th. Lieutenant Scott went up towards the enemy who were still cruising off the island Amott,11 about 30 miles from us. He had a cannoe full of Indians, and was if possible not to return without a prisoner. When night came on, he paddled his birch cannoe through their fleet. This the reader will think rather improbable; but the Indians have a method of putting the paddle in the water and taking it up again without the smallest noise, and the night being very dark favoured him. He thus got through their fleet undiscovered, and at day break covered himself and party in some bushes on [the] shore side, where he did not long remain until a battow of theirs came on purpose to cut wood ---------------- 111 Isle la Motte is an island about six miles long in the northern part of the lake. The sieur la Mothe, a French officer, erected on the west side of this island and near the water's edge, in 1665, a wooden fort or redoubt, to which he gave the name of Fort St. Anne. This fort was subsequently called Fort la Mothe, and the Frenchman's name was also bestowed upon the island. When Kalm passed through the lake in 1749, he says that the fort had entirely disappeared, though he was shown the spot where it stood. 144 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. for fuel; they not dreaming of danger left their arms in the boat on going ashore. The first who landed, an Indian starting from his ambush caught him by his pouch-belt, but the fellow by a sudden exertion, and being greatly frighted, disengaged himself, the belt breaking, and ran with all his speed to alarm his comrades in the battow; who, before they could make use of their arms, received a heavy fire from the Indians, which did great execution among them, and left but a very few to row back the battow. Scott findeing he would soon be discovered, was obliged to take into the woods, where the Indians in some time brought him opposite our island.112 18. Our Indians destroyed another battow of the enemy, but could not take a prisoner. We then gave over all thoughts of their comeing down to attack us, and the building of our vessels went on with great dispatch at St Johns. ---------------- 112 This is the American account of this affair; "On the same day (6th) the boats were ordered on shore to cut fascines to fix the bows and sides of the gondolas, to prevent the enemy from boarding them and to keep off small shot. A boat's crew of the sloop Enterprise went on shore without a covering party. They had been out on the same duty the two preceding days with covering parties and returned unmolested, but upon this occasion they neglected that precaution, when they were attacked by a party of the Forty-seventh Regiment and savages, under Lieutenant Scott of the light infantry of the Twenty-fourth Regiment, who pursued them into the water. They all reached the boat, but before they could row off, three of them were killed, and six others were wounded." Vide The Campaign for the Conquest of Canada, p. 145, et seq. Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 145 25. An officer of theirs gave himself up to us.113 The manner it happened was as follows. He was sent with two men from them to reconnoitre our situation &c. &c. They had seven days provisions given them on setting out, and came undiscovered opposite our island, where he took an exact view of our camp works &c. &c. and sent one man back with the intelligence. He and the other then proceeded through the woods down to St Johns, where he saw the Carlton and Marta114 near finished and other vessels on the stocks. His seven days provisions being then almost finished, he returned back, still undiscovered by our Indians, which was surprising, as they were generally on scouting parties through the woods. On comeing opposite to where their fleet lay when he left them, he perceived they had quit that station, as the preceding day, from a gale of wind, they were obliged to take shelter under the Isle-of-Mott. He was then greatly at a loss what course to take, his provisions being all gone, and after liveing a day or two on nuts and whatever he could pick up in the woods, he was obliged to surrender himself to one of our out posts and was immediately conveyed to General Frazier, who from his ---------------- 113 This was probably Ensign McCoy, who was dispatched by Arnold down the west side of the Sorel with a squad of three men to obtain intelligence of the enemy. Lieutenant Whitcomb was also dispatched with a like squad down the east side of the river for the same purpose, but we have an account of his return, while no mention is made of McCoy's. 114 She was so named in honor of the Lady Maria Howard, the wife of Sir Guy Carleton. 19 146 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. sullen manner did not much depend on the intelligence he gave. He informed that they had no intention of coming down to attack us by land, well knowing the great superiority they must have over our forces on the lake, their fleet being much superior, he was convinced; to any we could bring against them that year. That Col Arnold115 ---------------- 115 Benedict Arnold was born at Norwich, Connecticut, January 3, 1741. His father was a man of character, and of his mother it was said by one who knew her intimately, that she "was a saint on earth and is now a saint in heaven," A letter from her to Benedict while at school, is worthy of reproduction here, as showing the character of his early training: "Norwich, April 12, 1754. "Dear Child: I received yours of the 1st instant and was glad to hear that you was well; pray, my dear, let your first concern be to make your peace with God, as it is of all concerns of the greatest importance. "Keep a steady watch over your thoughts, words and actions. Be dutiful to superiors, obliging to equals, and affable to inferiors, if any such there be. Always choose that your companions be your betters, that by their good examples you may learn. "From your affectionate mother, "HANNAH ARNOLD. "P.S. - I have sent you 50s. Your father put in 20 more. Use it prudently, as you are accountable to God and your father. Your father and aunt join with me in love and service to Mr. Cogswell and lady, and yourself. Your sister is from home." In spite of his excellent training, he grew to be a man ostentatious in manner, insincere and thoroughly selfish. That he possessed military ability of a high order, was ever Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 147 was Commodore on the lake, and commanded on board the Royal Savage of great force. He also said that there were 20,000 men at Crown Point and Ticonderoga well supplied with cannon provisions &c. &c. 26th. We had a violent storm of rain, wind, thunder, and great flashes of lightening during the night. I often thought the tent would take fire. Next morning I mounted an advanced guard four miles above the island, the storm still continueing, and passed a most disagreeable day and night with scarce any shelter from the constant heavy rain. We could there hear their evening gun very plain, and it was ---------------- alert and thoroughly brave, no one can doubt. Many of the men who engaged with him in the war for independence were governed by no higher motives than those which actuated him : possessed, indeed, a desire for self-aggrandizement as inordinate as his, and never realized the moral splendor of the cause for which they contended. When the news of the battle of Lexington reached him at New Haven, where he was keeping a druggist's shop, he at once seized his sword and hastened to Boston to offer his services to his country. He suffered severe hardships in the war which followed, and did not shrink from making any personal sacrifice to attain success. He rendered valuable service to the cause of liberty; but smarting under the sting of disappointed ambition, he rushed in a fit of passion to the commission of an act wholly inexcusable. That he has been painted in darker colors than he deserved is now known. After his treason, he went to England and died at Brampton June 20, 1801. Though treated with consideration by the king, he suffered indignities from men, who perhaps, made the occasion of his treason serve to enable them to show their inborn contempt of a New England colonist who was naturally disliked at this time in England. 148 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. proposed in a few days to move up to Riviere-la- Cole,116 seven miles nearer them. 27th. Had the pleasure of seeing two of our schooners, the Maria & Carlton, come up to us from St Johns. Captain Pringle117 was appointed Commodore of the Lake Champlain and to command on board the Maria, so called after lady Maria Carlton. In the evening I was seized with a violent shivering and lightness in my head, which was attributed to cold, I must have got the preceeding night on guard. About 10 o clock I was quite delireous and out of my senses, after which I ---------------- 116 Riviere la Colle, nine miles southerly from Point au Fer, on the western side of the lake. According to Hadden, there was a small settlement there at this time. 117 Thomas Pringle was of Scotch birth, and this was the beginning of a notable career. After his success on Lake Champlain, he returned to England as bearer of dispatches, and was made a post-captain November 25th, In January, 1777, he was assigned to the command of the Ariadne and joined the West India fleet, attaining distinction in several naval engagements. On April 4, 1794, he was made colonel of the Marine Forces, and on June 4th, in reward for his brilliant services in the victory over the French fleet of Admiral Villaret, he was created a rear-admiral of the Blue, and June 1, 1795, rear-admiral of the Red. He subsequently took command at the Cape of Good Hope, and February 14, 1799, was made vice-admiral of the White, and January 1, 1801, vice-admiral of the Red. His death took place at Edinburgh December 8, 1803. Vide Political Index to Histories Great Britain, etc. (Beatson), vol. 2, p. 47; London Chronicle, vol. 41, p. 406, vol. 43, p. 186, vol. 44, p. 458, vol. 45, p. 286, vol. 48, p. 58; Universal Magazine, London, vol. 62, pp. 140, 274; Military Memoirs (Beatson), vol. 6, pp. 160, 270; Annual Register, 1794, 1795, 1799, 1801; Naval History of Great Britain (Brenton), vol. 2, pp. 42, 169, et seq. Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 149 cannot tell what happened. I was blistered on my back, and all the next day continued in the same distracted situation. Indeed, I believe my friends thought it was all over with me, but it pleased God to spare me, and on the 30th I returned to my senses, but so weak and faint, as scarce able to turn in my bed, and what made it more disagreeable was our corps of Grenadiers moveing up to Riviere-la-Cole the day I fell ill. My tent could not be struck on account of my situation, so [I] was left almost alone on the island, but did not remain long in that situation, as the First Brigade landed from St Johns, the 31st regiment composing part of it, when my brother in law, Capt. Pilot,118 gave me every assistance in his power, - got ---------------- 118 Henry Pilot, the brother-in-law of Digby, was commissioned a lieutenant in the Thirty-first Foot, July 18, 1764, and shortly after embarked for Pensacola, the capital of West Florida, which country had the previous year been ceded to Great Britain by Spain. At this time the yellow fever prevailed there, and upon its arrival the regiment suffered severe mortality. It continued here however, until the breaking out of the Carib war. On the eve of the campaign against the Caribs - September 23, 1772 - Pilot was promoted to a captaincy, and served in that capacity during the arduous and destructive campaign of the following two years. At the conclusion of the Carib war, he returned to England, where he was stationed at the time of the breaking out of the war in America. He participated in the campaign of '76, but was performing garrison duty when Burgoyne's army surrendered; hence he escaped the captivity which befel a portion of his regiment. As his name disappears from the army list in 1782, it is reasonable to suppose that he left his regiment in Canada, where it was 150 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. me a good physician and had me removed into his tent which had a stove, where I recovered fast. The few days I continued ill, there was heavy rain and the island almost flooded; but, fortunately, my tent had stood it out pretty well. We were all provided for the cold weather - we then soon expected in crossing the lake, - with warm clothing, such as under waistcoats, leggings, socks &c. &c., and smokeing tobacco was counted a preservative of the health against dews, which arose from the many swamps and marshy, drowned lands that surrounded the island. October 5th Went up to our corps at Riviere-la- Cole, after remaining with my friends of the 31st regiment till I recovered sufficient strength. I sailed up in a raddoux vessel carrying six 9 pounders, commanded by captain Longcroft,119 who ---------------- then and for several years afterward stationed, and returned home, perhaps with Digby, who retired at the same time. From this period we lose sight of him until June 14, 1800, when he was appointed town major of Dublin. Of his subsequent career we have no particulars. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Historical Record of the Thirty first Foot, pp. 33-42. 119 Edward Longcroft's name does not appear in the subsequent operations of Burgoyne's Army. After his return to England he was commissioned a commander in the British service, April 23, 1782, a position which he continued to hold for a number of /ears. Vide Court and City Register for 1789 and 1794. Edward Longcroft entered the British naval service as a midshipman on board the Arrogant, October 3, 1769, and served on this ship until he joined the Namur, December 26, 1770. On April 18, 1771, he joined the Princess Amelia of eighty guns, then under the orders of Admiral Rodney, who had recently been appointed to the Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 151 showed me every civility in his power. The floating Battery, Maria and Carlton, sailed with us, and our little voyage was pleasant, the day being fine and the lake now running very broad. General Burgoyne was on board the Maria, who ran aground on a bank, but was towed off without any damage. The vessels were all cleared and ready for action, waiting only for the Inflexible, our largest vessel, which was shortly expected up.120 ---------------- Jamaica station, and served until July 14, 1772, when he received his discharge. We see no more of him until we find him in command of the Loyal Convert on Lake Champlain. It is probable that he was on the fleet that sailed from Cork, in the spring of 1776, for the relief of Quebec, and that he was acting as a volunteer, since his name does not appear on the Admiralty record during this period. At what time he returned to England we are not informed; but he was promoted to the rank of first lieutenant on the Grafton, February 13, 1781. He was placed on half pay September 11, 1781; but on May 1, 1782, was put in command of the Zebra, one of the squadron under command of Commodore Dacres, who has been mentioned elsewhere. On April 15, 1783, he went on half pay and remained out of the service until April 15, 1805, when he was put in command of the Sea Fencibles between Kidwelly and Cardigan. On March 1, 1810, he again went on half pay, and died August 16, 1812. I am indebted to the courtesy of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty for materials of this note. 120 The Inflexible was a three-masted vessel, and the Maria and Carleton were schooners. After trying in vain to drag these vessels around the Chambly rapids on rollers, they had been taken to pieces and so transported to a convenient place from which they could be launched. After laying the keel, the Inflexible was ready to enter the water in twenty eight days, but Carleton was obliged to float her below the 152 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 6th. The fleet went up a little higher with a fair wind. The enemies were cruising off Cumberland Bay, about 20 miles above ours. 7th. The First Brigade moved up to our post at Riviere-la-Cole, and ours went up to point-au-Faire,121 seven miles higher. The order for our proceeding on the Lake was as follows. Three small boats in front of all as a party of observation, our schooners and armed vessels in line of battle following : Gun ---------------- Isle-aux-Noix, where the water had a sufficient depth, in order that she might receive her guns, which consisted of eighteen twelve-pounders. The "raddoux vessel" which Digby was on, was the Loyal Convert, and had been captured from the Americans when they abandoned Quebec. The entire fleet was as follows: Ship Inflexible, Lieutenant Schank, 18 12-pound guns. Schooner Maria, Lieutenant Starke, 14 6-pound guns. Schooner Carleton, Lieutenant Dacres, 12 6-pound guns. Radeau Thunderer, Lieutenant Scott, 6 24-pound guns, 6 12-pound guns, 2 howitzer guns. Gondola Loyal Convert, Lieutenant Longcroft, 7 9-pound guns. Twenty gunboats, each having a brass field-piece of from 9 to 24 pounds each, some carrying howitzers. Four tenders, or long boats, carrying field pieces. Twenty four long boats carrying provisions. The entire fleet comprised twenty-nine vessels armed with eighty nine guns and manned with six hundred and seventy thoroughly trained and disciplined men, all under the command of Pringle, who on all occasions showed himself to be a most daring and efficient officer. Both Pringle and Dacres rose subsequently by their ability to the highest rank in the British navy. 121 Point au Fer is a headland on the eastern shore of the lake. Burgoyne considered it of sufficient importance to fortify it with a block-house. Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 153 boats carrying 24 or 12 pounders in their bow and maned by the Artillery. The battallion of Grenadiers in flat bottomed boats, and in their rear, the remainder of the army in battows. One gun fired from a gun boat, was a signal to form 8 boats a breast; and two guns, a signal to form a line of boats. This had a pretty effect, as our men were all expert at rowing, having been ordered to practice frequently. This was the first intention of our crossing, but afterwards, found not to answer so well as our armed vessels and gun boats engageing theirs separately, leaving the troops on land to wait the decision, as were any accident to happen to the armed vessels, the troops must be in a most hazardous situation, and little able to defend themselves with small arms against the cannon of the enemy. At Point-au Faire, the lake turns quite a sea, forming a most beautiful prospect, being intersperced with numerous islands, mostly thick with trees, which at that time of the year (the trees changing their colour) added still to the scene. This place is thickly covered with wood, under which we pitched our tents, waiting for the Inflexible; she being obliged from want of water to have her guns brought up in boats, after which a ship of the line would have water sufficient; and it certainly was a noble sight to see such a vessel on a fresh water lake in the very heart of the Continent of America & so great a distance from the sea 8th. It blew fresh and a good deal damaged our battows by strikeing against each other, on which we 20 154 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. anchored our flat bottom boats off the shore, and brought the battows round a point to a small creek under some shelter from the land. There were many deer in the woods about, some of which we shot, also great flocks of wild pidgeons, which, as our fresh provisions (sheep &c we brought from St Johns and Isle-aux-Noix) were almost finished, helped out his majesties allowance of beef and pork very well. The wood was so thick round us, that some of our men were near losing themselves on straggling a small distance from camp, against which there were particular orders. It is surprising, with what a degree of certainty an Indian will make his way from one country to another through the thickest woods, allowing the sun to be constantly hid from his sight by clouds, where a person, not used to such a country, would soon be lost, and the more attempts made to extricate himself, perhaps, would only serve to entangle him the deeper. 9. We had 3 men killed on the spot by a tree that was cut down near their tent, and unfortunately fell on them while asleep. To prevent such a melancholy accident happening again, an order was given for no tree to be felled, within 100 yards of the camp. About 12 o'clock we heard the enemy very distinctly scaleing the guns122 on board their fleet, and soon hoped to make [them] exercise them in a ---------------- 122 Scaling a gun is, in military parlance, to cleanse it of scales occasioned by rust, which is accomplished by exploding in the gun small charges of powder. Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 155 different manner. The bad intelligence, the army received of General Howes123 opperations to the southward, was not a little surprising, our expectations being sanguine from that quarter, he having the command of so great an army, and so fine a fleet -------- 123 Sir William Howe was a grandson of George the First by his mistress, the Baroness Kilmansegge. He was born August 10, 1729, and entered the army at the age of eighteen. He was made lieutenant, September 21, 1747, and captain of the Twentieth Foot, June 1, 1750, major of the Sixtieth Foot, January 4, 1756, and lieutenant-colonel, December 17, 1757. He took part in the siege of Louisbourg, in 1758, and participated as commander of the light infantry in the capture of Quebec under General Wolfe. He was in command of a brigade against the French in 1761, and, in 1762, acted as adjutant-general in the operations against Havana. He was commissioned a colonel in the army, February 19, 1762, colonel of the Forty-sixth Foot, November 21, 1764, and lieutenant-governor of the Isle of Wight in 1768. He was created a major-general. May 25, 1772, and, when the war broke out in America, formed one of the noted trio to whom was assigned the task of subjugating the refractory colonists. With his associates, Clinton and Burgoyne, he reached Boston, May 25, 1775, and led the assault on Bunker Hill. He succeeded General Gage in the command of the British forces in America in the following October. He was in great favor with the government, which seems to have placed full confidence in his ability. He led a luxurious life in Boston, frequenting, it is said, the faro table, the ball-room and the theatre, and carrying on an affaire d'amour with a popular belle of the day, which caused a writer to say that "as Cleopatra of old lost Mark Antony the world, so did this illustrious courtesan lose Sir William Howe the honor, the laurels, and the glory of putting an end to one of the most obstinate rebellions that ever existed." He was created lieutenant-general in the army, August 29, 1777. He was relieved from his command in America in May, 1778, and returned to England. He represented Nottingham in Par- 156 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. under his brother lord Howe,124 we could expect no accounts by land, that being in possession of the enemy, but the sea was open, and, had he performed any capital stroke, it should not be kept a secret from the army. General Carlton, some imagined, might have received intelligence, which it was said he could not divulge were they ever so favourable. Certainly he is one of the most distant, reserved men in the world; he has a rigid strictness in his manner, very unpleasing, and which he observes even to his most particular friends and acquaintance, at the same time he is a very able General and brave officer; has seen a ---------------- liament during the sessions of 1778, '79 and '80, and became lieutenant-general of ordnance, April 23, 1782, member of the Privy Council June 21st of the same year, colonel of the Nineteenth Light Dragoons, April 21, 1786, general in the army, October 12, 1793, governor of Berwick in 1795. On the death of his brother, Lord Viscount Howe, in 1799, he succeeded to his titles. In 1808 he was appointed governor at Plymouth. He died July 12, 1814. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Siege of Boston (Frothingham), pp. 133-149 et passim; Burke's Peerage and Baronetage, in loco; Historical Record Forty-Sixth Foot; History of New York During the Revolutionary War (Jones), vol. I, pp. 252, 716 et passim; vol. 2, pp. 86, 423 et passim. 124 Richard Earl Howe was born in 1725, and succeeded to the titles of his elder brother, the friend of Schuyler, who was killed at Ticonderoga in 1758. He was a midshipman at the age of fourteen under Lord Anson, and was a lieutenant at twenty. He had risen to the rank of rear-admiral in 1770, and, in 1775, was made vice-admiral of the Blue. After his return from America he became first lord of the admiralty and commanded the British fleet successfully against the French in 1794. He died August 5, 1799. Vide Burke's Peerage and Baronetage, in loco. Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 157 great deal of service and rose from a private life, though a very good family, by mere merit to the rank he at present bears. In time of danger he possesses a coolness and steadiness, (the attendant on true courage) which few can attain; yet he was far from being the favorite of the army. Genl Burgoyne alone engrossed their warmest attachment. From haveing seen a great deal of polite life, he possesses a winning manner in his appearance and address, far different from the severity of Carlton, which caused him to be idolized by the army, his orders appearing more like recommending subordination than enforcing it. On every occasion he was the soldiers friend, well knowing the most sanguine expectations a general can have of success, must proceed from the spirit of the troops under his command. The manner he gained their esteem was by rewarding the meritorious when in his power, which seldom failed from the praise which they received, to cause a remissness in duty [to be] odious and unmanly, and a desire of emulation soldier like & honourable. But I shall often have occasion to mention him in the following pages. 10th. About 1 2 o clock our small fleet sailed up with a fair wind, which was a most pleasing sight to the army. Their decks were all cleared & ready for immediate action. Genl Carlton went in person (tho. many blamed his hazarding himself on an element so much out of his line), on board the Maria, and gave the command of the fleet to Pringle as com- 158 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. modore, by which he was of very little service on board, excepting proveing his courage, which no man in the army has the least doubt of. The wind blowing fresh, we expected shortly to hear of their engageing, on which our fate in a great measure depended. 11th. We were in hourly expectation of intelligence. Our Indians were on the banks on the lake, who, we eagerly hoped, would come down to inform us of any thing particular, and that day passed over in the greatest state of uncertainty. 12th. Was awoke very early in the morning by a confused noise about my tent, and on hearing the word Carlton named, imagined something had happened, so arose and made the greatest haste to the shore side, where a boat had just arrived with our wounded men from the fleet. The accounts were, that our fleet came pretty near them, when the wind shifted a little about, when none of our vessels could haul so much to the windward as the Carlton, who made all the sail possible for them and stood most of their fire for a long time, assisted by a few gun boats; that the Royal Savage125 engaged her, and at last was obliged to strike to the Carlton, but, ---------------- 125 The Royal Savage was a schooner, and had been built under the supervision of General Arnold. She carried four six and eight four-pound guns, and was manned by fifty men. The account of her destruction, here given by Digby, is doubtless as it was given to him, but is incorrect. The Royal Savage, while beating up against the wind where there was insufficient room, was stranded on Valcour Island. She Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 159 against all the rules of war, after strikeing, they ran her on shore, blew her up and escaped in the wood. The greatest praise was given to lieut Decars for his spirited behaviour, as he did not retire till so much shattered in masts & rigging, as made it necessary to tow the vessel off by boats. Our gun boats also did great execution, but unfortunately, one of them blew up on the water. The sailors also informed us, that the enemy wanted to fly from us, but that our fleet had got them into a bay which they could not escape from, without fighting, and that our Floating battery was moored at the entrance of the bay, and three 24 pounders ready to open on them by day light. From these accounts, it was imagined that in all probability, a few hours would determine who should be masters of the Lake - though we made but little doubt of our being victorious; and all that day, waited with the greatest impatience - watching earnestly with our glasses for the appearance of a boat. 13th. Was passed over in the same state of suspense and uncertainty. 14th. We were very impatient for an express, and did not well know what to think, when about 3 o'clock a cannoe was perceived at a great distance makeing all the way possible for our camp. On her ---------------- had been much injured in the engagement, and as it was found impossible to get her afloat, she was abandoned, and her crew escaped. A party of British troops boarded her during the night, and to prevent the Americans from making any use of her again, set her on fire and so destroyed her. 160 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. nearer approach we perceived it was Sir Francis Clark,126 the general's aid-de-camp, who waving the -------- 126 Sir Francis Carr Gierke was born in London, October 24, 1748, and entered the Third Foot Guards, January 3, 1770, as an ensign, and received a lieutenant's commission, July 26, 1775, which was equivalent to the rank of a captain in the army. He was made adjutant, February 3, 1776, and accompanied Burgoyne, with whom he was a favorite, to America as an aide-de-camp. When Burgoyne returned to England, after the campaign of '76, Gierke accompanied him, and also returned with him the next spring in the capacity of private secretary and aide-de-camp. In the battle of October 7, 1777, while riding to deliver an order which Burgoyne said would have changed the fortunes of the day had it been delivered, he was shot in the bowels and taken prisoner. He was taken to the tent of General Gates, where he remained, tenderly cared for, until his death. Wilkinson gives the following affecting particulars of the closing scenes of Gierke's life: "On one occasion, the wounded general inquired if the American surgeons were good for anything, as he did not like the direction of his wound, and wished to know whether it was fatal, or not. The physicians concealed their fears from him, but carefully watched him day and night. Seeing Dr. Townsend hesitate when he pressed him for an opinion, he exclaimed in his usual frank way, 'Doctor, why do you pause? Do you think I am afraid to die?' and upon being advised by that physician to adjust his private affairs, he thanked him, and quietly complied." Burgoyne said of him: "He had originally recommended himself to my attention by his talents and diligence; as service and intimacy opened his character more, he became endeared to me by every quality that can create esteem. I lost in him a useful assistant, an amiable companion, an attached friend; the State was deprived by his death of one of the fairest promises of an able general." He died on the 13th of October following his injury. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Burke's Peerage and Baronetage, in loco; Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. I, p. 269; A State of the Expedition, p. 125. Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 161 enemies colors, thirteen stripes,127 declared the day was all our own. This happy intelligence was answered by the troops in three huzzas, and the joy expressed by the whole, gave evident signs of their satisfaction on so important a victory. He informed General Frazier that the enemies fleet had by some means escaped ours on the night of the 12th; but the following day ours came up, and after a smart action, burnt, took or destroyed all their vessels on ---------------- 127 A flag bearing thirteen stripes, alternate red and white, emblematical of union, suggested, perhaps, by the Roman fasces, was first displayed over the American camp at Cambridge on the 1st of January, 1776, and the next month Commodore Esek Hopkins sailed from the Delaware to operate against Lord Dunmore's fleet, which was then on the Virginia coast, bearing the striped flag with the addition of a rattlesnake stretched diagonally across it with the words "Don't tread on me" underneath. It was not until the 14th of June, 1777, that Congress resolved that the flag of the United States be thirteen stripes, alternate red and white; that the Union be thirteen stars, white, in a blue field, representing a new constellation." When St. Leger appeared before Fort Schuyler, in the beginning of the following August, the fort was without a flag, and as it was necessary to have one, General Gansevoort caused one to be made, in accordance with the resolve of Congress, by cutting the white stripes from a shirt, and the red ones from the petticoat of a soldier's wife, using the blue cloak of Captain Abraham Swartwout to make a field upon which to display the new constellation. This flag, Mr. Wm. L. Stone informs us, is in the possession of a descendant of General Gansevoort, by whom it is cherished as a most precious relic. As Digby does not mention that the flag which Sir Francis Gierke had captured bore upon it the stars or the serpent, we must infer that it was like the one displayed at Cambridge at the beginning of the year. 21 l62 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. the lake. That a general Waterbury128 and a great many were made prisoners; and that it was general Carlton's orders we immediately strike our camp, embark in our boats without loss of time, and make the best of our way to Crown Point, where we should receive further orders. I shall here insert the fate of the enemies fleet on the 11th and 13th of October. ACCOUNT OF THE ENEMIES FLEET ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN C0MMANDED BY BENEDICT ARNOLD. ---------------- 128 David Waterbury, Jr., was born at Stamford, Connecticut, February 12, 1722. He was a man of great energy and had a predilection for military affairs, having, in 1747, nearly thirty years before this date, been an ensign in the ---------------- 129 The number of guns and weight of metal here given are much exaggerated. The following is the correct armament of the vessels, with the names of their commanders: Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 163 At Ticonderoga and had not joined the fleet, - one row galley 10 guns, and the schooner Liberty, 8 ---------------- State militia, and subsequently having served through six campaigns against the French and Indians. Naturally he was one of the first to actively espouse the American cause, and we behold him in July, 1775, at the head of his regiment marching to occupy Crown Point and Ticonderoga. His uncompromising patriotism rendered him harsh and severe toward those who did not support the popular cause; indeed, the historian of Stamford says that "he seems to have shown them no mercy. One of the reasons given by citizens in this vicinity for going over to the enemy was the excessive rigor of Colonel Waterbury." This resentment, however, against traitors, as they were popularly but not reasonably called, was general. Lord Mahon says in reference to it, that "a ferocious saying came to be current in America that, though we are commanded to forgive our enemies, we are nowhere commanded to forgive our friends." General Carleton was elated at his capture, and immediately reported it to Germaine. He was soon exchanged and again in service. At the close of the war, he returned to the plough, and died on his farm at Stamford, June 29, 1801. Vide History of Stamford, Ct. (Huntington), pp. 417-23; History of England (Mahon), vol. 6, p. 127; Sparks' Life of Washington, vol. 7, p. 288; vol. 8, pp. 88, 92, et passim. ---------------- 164 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. guns. One of the gondaloes, I have no confirmed account of, but believe she was burned 13th October THOS PRINGLE Sir Francis also informed that general Arnold who acted as commodore, after finding all was lost some how escaped on shore, after behaving with remarkable coolness and bravery during the engagement. In the following pages will be seen how great an acquisition his being taken would have been to us, as he is certainly a brave man, and much confidence reposed in him by their Congress. We embarked about 4 o'clock in the evening, and though we made the greatest expedition possible did not arrive at Crown Point until the 20th where our fleet had been for some days. The lake in ruff weather is dangerous for battows, as there are great swells in many parts, but none that did our small fleet any damage; and we arrived there without any accident happening to us. We had good sport in shooting ---------------- Manned by 800 men. It will be seen that the British fleet carried a much heavier weight of metal. Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 165 pidgeons, flocks of which flew over us thick enough to darken the air, also large eagles. There were herds of deer all along the shore side, which were seldom disturbed, the country being but little altered since its first state of nature, except now and then a wandering party of savages comeing there to hunt for their subsistance. At night we landed and lay warm enough in the woods, makeing large fires. When it rained, it was not so pleasant, but use reconciled all that soon to us, and we slept as sound under the canopy of the heavens as in the best feather bed. Crown Point is a remarkable fine plain, an uncommon sight to us after being so long buried in such boundless woods, where our camp formed a grand appearance. Some few families who had not joined the enemy lived there; but had suffered much, as their cattle were mostly drove away for their loyalty. They had a force at Crown Point under the command of a Major Heartly,130 who thought proper to ---------------- 130 Thomas Hartley was a native of Reading, Pennsylvania, and was born September 7, 1748. He was bred to the law, and was practicing his profession at York when the war broke out with the mother country. He at once threw aside his Coke and Blackstone and hastened with other patriots to offer his services to his country. He received a commission as lieutenant-colonel of the Sixth Pennsylvania Regiment, January 9, 1776, and, after Colonel Irvine was taken prisoner, the command devolved upon him. He was an energetic officer, and showed great zeal in the prosecution of the plans which were assigned to him to carry out. In common with Waterbury and other commanders in the American army, he was hostile to those who espoused the royal cause, or who, while professing neutrality, were ready 166 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. retire to Ticonderoga on our fleet comeing so near his works, where they were thunder struck at hearing of the defeat of theirs, thinking it scarce possible. Our loss on the lake was about 60 men killed and wounded. Their general Waterbury, & the rest of the prisoners were sent back to them by general Carlton to Ticonderoga on their parole, and Capt Craig 13147th light Infantry, went as a flag of truce ---------------- to afford aid and comfort to the enemy, and he showed them no favor. In 1778, after the massacre of Wyoming, he led an expedition into the valley, and for his brave and efficient conduct in the prosecution of this enterprise, was highly commended by the government. Shortly after, he retired from military life, and was a member of the Council of Cen- sors in 1783, and one of the convention delegates of Pennsylvania which ratified the Constitution of the United States, December 12, 1787. He was a member of Congress from 1789 until the day of his death, which took place at York, in his native State, December 21, 1800. Vide Revolutionary Record, p. 202;. Sparks' Washington, vol. 4, p. 12; vol. 5, p. 422, et passim; Field Book of the Revolution (Lossing), vol. I, p. 362, et seq.; Campaign for the Conquest of Canada, pp. 73, 100, 107, et passim. 131 James H. Craig was born at Gibraltar in 1748, his father being judge of civil and military affairs there. When he was fifteen years of age, the Thirtieth Foot was in garrison at Gibraltar, and young Craig, being infected with the military fever, obtained through the influence of his father a com- mission as ensign, which bore date June 1, 1763. He was promoted, July 19, 1769, to a lieutenancy, and March 14, 1771, was commissioned a captain in the Forty-seventh Foot, which he accompanied to America in 1774. This regiment was stationed at Boston during the siege of that city, and formed part of Lord Percy's command on that memorable nineteenth of April, when the first battle for American independence took place. Captain Craig was at Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 167 with them. In return, they sent the general a letter of thanks, but would not permit even the prisoners to enter the fort, but sent them directly away, which was politic enough, as by their informing their country men how well they had been used, might ---------------- the battle of Bunker Hill in which he was wounded. He joined Carleton at Quebec in the spring of 1776, and accompanied him in the campaign of that year. He was also in the disastrous campaign of Burgoyne, was wounded at Hubbardton and Freeman's Farm, and conducted the negotiations for the surrender of the army. In these negotiations every thing was done to salve the wounded pride of Burgoyne and his aristocratic officers, and, among other things, the term convention was substituted for capitulation in the preparatory Articles of surrender, at Captain Craig's solicitation. He went to England after the surrender with dispatches, where he received the appointment of major in the Eighty-second Foot, and returned to Halifax in 1778, and was engaged during the following year in operations in eastern Maine. He served through the war of the Revolution, was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel of his regiment, December 31, 1781, and of colonel in the army, November 18, 1790. In 1794 he was made major-general, and the next year was appointed governor of the Cape of Good Hope, having conducted a successful expedition thither. He returned to England in 1797, and was raised to the peerage for his efficient services. In January, 1801, while in India, where he had been in service nearly four years, he received a commission of lieutenant-general, and the next year returned to England, where he was at once assigned to a command. At the close of a successful service in the Mediterranean, he received, in 1807, the appointment of governor-general of British North America. His hatred of every thing savoring of democracy caused him to act harshly toward every movement of a liberal character, and he soon found himself surrounded by enemies. For four years he held the reins of office, when, broken in health and disgusted with the people of the province, who it would seem were equally disgusted 168 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. induce some to turn on our side. Gen Gates132 then commanded there; of whom I shall have occasion to speak more of hereafter. He was formerly in our service, but from his wife's connections, who is an American, he was induced to change into theirs. He is a man much confidence is reposed in by their Con- ---------------- with him on account of his tyrannical administration of affairs, he returned home in the summer of 1811, and died the January following. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Memoirs of My Own Times, pp. 309-317; Journal of Occurrences During the Late American War, Dublin, 1809, p. 174; Gentleman's Magazine, vol. 48, p. 551. 132 Horatio Gates was born in 1728, and it has been asserted that he was a natural son of Horace Walpole. Even as recent and generally accurate a writer as Fonblanque says, "he was related by marriage to the Earl of Thanet, and was a godson (scandal attributed a nearer relationship) of Horace Walpole," a statement precisely similar to that made with respect to the parentage of Burgoyne, which was attributed to Lord Bingley, and which Fonblanque labors to disprove. Strange to say, Fonblanque does not seem to have thought of examining the life of Walpole to ascertain what probability existed for this story. Horace Walpole was born October 5, 1717, and at the time of Gates' birth was less than eleven years of age, and this fact, hitherto unnoticed, should set this idle story at rest; but it will probably be repeated by careless writers till the end of time. Horace Walpole was his godfather, and had a brother Horatio, Baron of Wolterton, and what more probable than that the name of his august kinsman applied to the obscure infant of the housekeeper who was intimate with "my mother's woman," was an incipient display of that humor which subsequently made the genius of Walpole conspicuous? Walpole's journals have been published, and, fortunately, he has left an item relating to the matter. He says that Gates " was the son of a housekeeper of the second Duke of Leeds, who, marrying a young husband when very Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 169 gress, but as to what he deserves for the exchange, I shall leave the reader to judge. Their force then at Ticonderoga, about 14 miles, was said to be 20,000, and it was thought from the lateness of the season and many other reasons, but this, the one most material, that it would be but a vain attempt to ---------------- old, had this son by him. - My mother's woman was intimate with that housekeeper, and hence I was godfather to her son, though I believe not then ten years old myself." It would almost seem that Walpole had heard that the parentage of Gates had been ascribed to him, and therefore placed this statement on record to refute it. When twenty-six years of age, Gates, who had been bred to the profession of arms, and had served as a volunteer under Cornwallis while the latter was governor of Halifax, joined General Braddock at Fort Cumberland, and participated in the unfortunate campaign which ended so disastrously to the British arms. In this battle he was wounded, but more fortunate than many of his brother soldiers, escaped with his life. He was subsequently stationed in western New York with his company, and while there was commissioned a brigade major. He was then selected by General Monckton as aide-de-camp, and accompanied that officer to the West Indies, where he gained attention by his gallantry in the capture of Martinico. He was bearer of dispatches to London announcing the victory, and was rewarded by being made a major in the Royal Americans. Although his advancement had been unusually rapid, he was disappointed; and having married a lady of high connections, he sold his commission and endeavored, through the influence of his friends and the family relations of his wife, to obtain a lucrative appointment under the government. Failing in this, he emigrated to America and settled on an estate which he purchased in Berkeley county, Virginia. He was a friend of Washington, and was dining at Mount Vernon when the news of the battle of Lexington was received. He was at once aroused to take part in the popular cause, and Washington procured his appointment as 22 170 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. besiege it that year, we having but a small part of the army on that side of the lake; viz, the first Brigade and our Advanced corps. The remainder of the army nor having battows ready to remove from St Johns, and the Isle-aux-Noix, from whence it was thought by the advice of the engineers who were ---------------- adjutant general with the rank of a brigadier. He joined the camp at Cambridge in July, and busied himself in organizing the raw recruits, in which service he was very efficient. He was made a major general in May, 1776, and in the June following, was appointed to the command in Canada. Naturally of a jealous disposition, he was disturbed at the ever-growing popularity of Washington and instead of assisting, as in duty bound, his old companion-in-arms in his arduous campaign during the winter of '76 and '77, he busied himself in efforts to supplant him. Washington was, however, too magnanimous to allow the treachery of Gates to disturb him, and he endeavored to secure his really valuable services in reorganizing the army at his old post, as adjutant- general. A conflict of authority now arose between him and Schuyler, a pure and reasonably disinterested patriot, which was settled by Congress, which decided in favor of Schuyler. Gates at once proceeded to Philadelphia to lay his grievances before Congress, but made so poor a display of himself as to excite the opposition of that body, and he retired with indignation. The failure of St. Clair to maintain his position at Ticonderoga, which was in Schuyler's department, gave an opportunity for the enemies of Schuyler and the friends of Gates to get the former removed, and he was superseded by Gates. When he assumed the command, every thing was in readiness, as far as it possibly could be, to meet the onset of the advancing army of Burgoyne, Schuyler having bent all his energies toward rendering the advance of the enemy difficult and the American army efficient, so that he found nearly every thing shaped to his hand. Many writers have criticised the action of Gates in this campaign, one of whom we will quote: Says Lossing: "While Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 171 consulted respecting works, &c., that the enemy must return to winter in Canada, they not being then able to throw up lines for above 1300 men, and even then, we should have no place to cover our troops from the ---------------- Arnold was wielding the fierce sickle of war without, and reaping golden sheaves for Gates' garner, the latter was within his camp, more intent upon discussing the merits of the Revolution with Sir Francis Clarke, Burgoyne's aide-de- camp, who had been wounded and taken prisoner, and was lying upon the commander's bed at his quarters, than upon winning a battle all important to the ultimate triumph of those principles for which he professed so warm an attachment. When one of Gates' aids came up from the field of battle for orders, he found the general very angry because Sir Francis would not allow the force of his arguments. He left the room, and, calling his aid after him, asked, as they went out : 'Did you ever hear so impudent a son of a b---h?' Poor Sir Francis died that night upon Gates' bed." That, in spite of his faults, which have perhaps been exaggerated, and for which he subsequently suffered. Gates possessed noble qualities, is evidenced by his domestic correspondence, the emancipation of his slaves and generous provision for their support. Not long before his death, near the end of a disappointed life, he wrote, expressing these noble sentiments: "I am very weak and have evident signs of approaching dissolution. But I have lived long enough since I have lived to see a mighty people animated with a spirit to be free and governed by transcendent abilities and power." He died in New York, April 10, 1806, at the age of 78. Vide Political and Military Episodes, p. 283; British Army Lists, in loco; Last Journals of Horace Walpole, London, 1859, vol. 2, p. 200; George HI (Horace Walpole), London, 1847, vol. I, p. 401; Irving's Life of Washington, vol. I, p. 422, et seq.; vol. 3, p. 66; Life of Washington (Sparks), vol. 2, p. 469; vol. 3, pp. 6, 7, 483, 481, et passim; Curwen's Journals and Letters, N.Y., 1842, p. 475, et seq.; Field Book of the Revolution, vol. I, p. 63; Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. I, p. 269. 172 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. very severe cold shortly expected to set in.133 The cruelty exercised by Major Heardy over the poor inhabitants was great; burning many of their habitations and small effects, and driveing away their cattle, many of which we found in the woods, which, by the general's order, were either returned to the owners, or an adequate price paid them for such cattle as were wanted for the use of the troops, and it gave me the sincerest pleasure to think our troops could relieve the miseries of the un- fortunate as well as conquer the enemies of our country. On general Burgoyne's first hearing of the compleat victory gained by our fleet over the enemy, he gave out the following orders to the army, and which I should have inserted sooner. In it, he pays the greatest compliment to General Carlton. - ---------------- 133 The Americans were waiting at Ticonderoga with anxious impatience for Carleton to attack them, and were in excellent condition to receive him. Arnold held an important command, and was active in strengthening his position. It was supposed that an attack would be made upon the old French lines, and every preparation was made to meet it there. Every precaution was taken by the Americans to prevent a surprise, and every effort resorted to in order to obstruct the approaches to their works. The weather continued bad, but supplies of munitions of war and of men continued to arrive. Gates wrote to Schuyler on the 24th: "Carleton keeps very close to Crown Point, his navy at anchor on his flanks. I have scouts constantly down on both sides of the lake. I apprehend by this time his force is all collected, and expect this stillness will be succeeded by a grand attack. The army here are in good spirits and think only of victory." Had Carleton followed the urgent advice of Burgoyne and Phillips, there is a fair probability that he would have met with defeat. Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 173 GENERAL ORDERS. 17th. Octr Riviere Sable, Lieut. Gen. Burgoyne, haveing received authentic intelligence of the late victory, obtained by the commander in chief in person, takes the first moment to communicate to the army, that of the 16 vessels of which the rebel fleet consisted before the action, three only escaped, all the others either taken or destroyed. The importance of the conquest is not greater to the national cause, than is the glory achieved to his majesty's arms, conspicuous by the general behaviour of the officers and men. It is a part of magnanimity to spare public demonstration of triumph on the present occasion; but it is not doubted that this army will be affected with every sentiment the brave are accustomed to feel from present great & glorious examples. 24th. Lieut Gen Burgoyne sailed in the Washington prize for St Johns, from where he was to go by land for Quebec where a frigate was ready to sail with him to England, as it was then determined the army was to return to winter in Canada, & make their appearance early the following season before Ticonderoga, when every thing necessary for the reduction of that fort would be in greater readiness, and the season more favourable for our operations than so late in the year, during which time our fleet would be masters of the Lake, and the severity of the winter too great for them to build any vessels that could obstruct our movements early in the spring; even at that 174 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. time the cold was very severe and our tents but a small covering against it. 25th. Our Indians, who with Captn Frazier were advanced nearer their lines, took a prisoner and before they brought him to us painted the poor devil in a most curious manner, which almost frighted him out of his wits. It often surprised us their not attacking us at Crown Point, their numbers being so greatly superior to ours. 29th. Gen Carlton and General Phillips,134 who command the Artillery, went up towards their lines ---------------- 134 William Phillips entered the Royal Military Academy at Woolwich, August 1, 1746, as a cadet; was made lieutenant- fireworker in the Artillery, January 2, 1747; quarter- master of the First Battalion, April 1, 1750; second lieutenant, March 1, 1755, and first lieutenant, April 1, 1756. As captain in the Royal Artillery, to which he was commissioned May 12, 1756, he distinguished himself in Germany. At the battle of Minden, in 1759, he commanded three companies of the Royal Artillery, and was particularly thanked by Prince Ferdinand, who testified his appreciation of his distinguished services by a present of a thousand crowns. At Warbourg the next year he gained attention by his skill and efficiency in handling his artillery, and August 15th, was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the army. In 1768 he received the appointment of lieutenant-governor of Windsor Castle, and was commissioned a colonel in the army, May 25, 1772. He was elected in the autumn of 1774 to represent Boroughbridge in Parliament, and when the war between England and her trans-Atlantic colonies broke out, he was commissioned, January 1, 1776, a major-general for service in America. He had seen long and arduous service, in which he had always shown great skill and bravery. He it was who planted his batteries upon Sugar Loaf Hill, which forced the evacuation of Ticonderoga without a battle, and sent St. Clair, discomfited and disgraced, on his flight south Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 175 to reconnoitre their strength, situation &c. and which by them were thought of great extent & force. By deserters we heard they were then receiving fresh supplies of cannon and other stores. During the months of October and November, there are frequent squalls of wind on the Lake, which come momentary ---------------- with his shattered army. On April 25, 1777, he had been appointed major in the artillery, and on August 29th, he was promoted to the rank of major-general in the army. He was fully trusted by Burgoyne, and assumed command of the captive troops after the latter's return to England. He was proud and passionate; and, during his captivity at Cambridge, was confined by General Heath to the limits of his house and grounds and the road leading to the quarters of his troops, for using language which reflected upon the honor and dignity of Congress. When in Virginia with the captive army, he made the acquaintance of Jefferson, and was hospitably entertained by him and Mrs. Jefferson at their mansion. Jefferson afterward spoke of him as "the proudest man of the proudest nation on earth." He was exchanged on the 25th of October, 1780, and the following spring set out upon an expedition into Virginia. He was accompanied by Benedict Arnold, who had, since his last battle against Phillips, at Saratoga, joined the British side. On this expedition Phillips contracted a fever and died at Petersburg, May 13th. While he lay upon his death-bed, Lafayette appeared upon the heights opposite Petersburg and began a cannonade of the British position, one of his cannon balls going through the dying general's chamber and killing a female negro attendant. Vide Travels Through the Interior Parts of America, vol. 2, p.506, British Army Lists, in loco; History of the Royal Artillery (Duncan), London, 1872, vol. I, pp. 207-217; A State of the Expedition, Appendices XLVHI, LIV; Memoirs of General Heath, pp. 166. 169, et passim; Simcoe's Journal, London, 1787, pp. 129-146; Life of Jefferson (Randolph), pp. 50, 53; Historical Magazine, vol. 9, p. 247. 176 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. off the land and do great damage particularly to small craft. A few days before, the Carlton being under way and cruising on the Lake, one of these sudden squalls was very near laying her on her beam ends. 30. Our floating battery sailed for St Johns with stores &c, which opportunity we took to forward letters to Montreal post, in order to their being sent to our friends in Great Britain, as few vessels ever sail from Quebec after the 15th November on account of the frost, which begins to set in with great violence about that time, after which Canada is as much shut out from all communication with the rest of the world as possible, particularly then, as the country from Ticonderoga was in possession of the enemy. November 2nd. We embarked in our battows and long boats for Canada, and proceeded about 17 miles, where our small fleet were obliged to put into a creek, the wind blowing very fresh, though fair for us, but causing a deep swell which was not so safe for the battows; as to the long boats there was but little danger. Our soldiers called this place Destruction Bay, and not unaptly, as there we saw the great execution the enemy suffered from the fire of our fleet in the engagement on the 11th and 13th October. Some of their dead were then floating on the brink of the water, just as the surf threw them; these were ordered to be directly buried. During the night it blew fresh and was attended with a fall of snow which was the first we had experienced. Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 177 The weather being fair we got under way, and with both sails and oars got a good distance before night. 6th. After a variety of weather, we made Point-au- faire. We had a strong gale of wind crossing over Cumberland Bay, where we could not keep the shore without going six times the distance at least, and this short cut, if I can call it so, was near endangering many of our battows. Near that, we saw the wreck of the Royal Savage, and had the rest of their fleet behaved as well as she did, we should not have been so easyly masters of the Lake, We found one Artillery man of ours who fell the 13th; him we buried. At night we made large fires as before, and lay round them, keeping our feet always next the fire, as when they are warm the body is seldom cold. 9th Embarked for St Johns after remaining at Point-au-faire from the 6th on account of the delay in getting over provisions ammunition &c. &c., all which were sent down to St Johns before our moveing from that post. We also brought with us the families who resided before at Crown Point, as it would have been cruel to have left them to the mercy of the enemy, who no doubt would persecute them, for their attachment to us. We had scarce pushed off the shore, about break of day, when the greatest fog arose I ever beheld, and which prevented our seeing above 3 or 4 yards from our boat's bow, in consequence of which we separated, some steering one way and some the other. Brig Gen Frazier caused drums to beat in his boat, by which he collected many 23 178 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. others, but in place of going to St Johns he went directly the opposite course back to the Isle of mott, where he thought proper to land and wait till next day, which was clear. Our boat, by great good fortune, made St Johns before night, though we saild round a small island twice, thinking it the main land. At night we found a hearty reception from our Regiment, who garrisoned that fort and had not crossed the Lake. 10th. The remainder of our Corps came down, the day being clear. Our ships were all laid up at this place for the winter, masts and rigging taken from them, and the ice broke round every morning and evening to prevent their keels from suffering by the severe frosts then shortly expected. 13th. We marched for Vershere,135 a neat village on the banks of the river St Lawrence, and about six leagues below Montreal. ---------------- 135 Vercheres is a small village on the right bank of the St. Lawrence, twenty-three miles below Montreal, and is still a small village, its population not greatly exceeding one thousand persons. It derives its name curiously from a heroine, Madame de Verchere, who in the year 1690, being left alone in the little palisaded block-house here, while the few people who composed the hamlet were at work in a distant clearing, perceived a party of Indians approaching to attack the place. She instantly seized a gun and fired upon them; and although several attempts were made to scale the palisade, she kept them at bay until help arrived. At another a larger body of savages attacked and took prisoners all the men who were laboring in the fields. Madame Verchere with one soldier, her daughter and other women, were in the block-house, and seeing their husbands Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 179 16th. Our battallion of Grenadiers arrived at Verchere our winter quarters, after a pleasant and agreeable march, and our men were billeted through the parish, 2 or 3 in each house. The army were quartered in like manner through the province, where there were prepared good stoves and plenty of fuel to enable us to bear comfortably the severity of the approaching season, as during that time every thing is froze. All kinds of provisions are laid up in that frozen state, during the winter, and when wanted to be used, are gently thawed in cold water for some time and then cooked, when they eat perhaps after being months killed, as well as if just before slaughtered; and, were a thaw to take place during the winter months, there would be every prospect of a famine in the province, as at the setting in of the frost, such eatables as are to serve the inhabitants for near half the year are all slaughtered; cows, ---------------- taken prisoners, many of the women made loud lamentations. To prevent their cries from reaching the Indians, and encouraging them in their designs upon the fort, she shut them up, and hastily assuming the garb of a soldier, trained a cannon upon the foe. She resorted to the stratagem of firing first from one embrasure and then from another, and prevented the Indians, who supposed the fort held a considerable number of defenders, from taking it until a force arrived from the fort at Chambly where the cannon had been heard, and not only raised the siege, but was fortunate enough to rescue the prisoners who were in the hands of the savages. Madame Verchere subsequently returned to Normandy, where, at her death, a tombstone was reared over her, upon which was placed an inscription commemorating these acts of bravery. 180 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. beeves pigs and all sorts of fowls [are] laid up in this manner, nay, I have seen cream hawked through the streets of Quebec and sold by weight, carried in a basket. The great river St Lawrence in one night's frost will have ice thick enough to bear any carriage. Then the Carrioling,136 which is the principal amusement of the Canadians, commences. That carriage from the great velocity it moves on the snow & ice, from its easy and pleasant motion seems to engross all their attention during the winter months. It is drawn by one or two horses, which in Canada are excellent for the draught, tho in general small, and is rather a help, so very easy is the draught to the horses, to keep them steady on the ice. The persons seated in the Caryole, generally two, are dressed entirely in furs. The ladies' [furs] in general and of the higher rank are elegant, so famous in that part of the world to protect them from the severe cold; but, yet it is pleasant, the sky being quite serene and not a cloud to be seen in the hemisphere. Thus equipt you parade over the ice & snow amidst perhaps a hundred other caryoles, painted in the most gaudy ---------------- 136 This is a word of purely Canadian coinage, and has passed unnoticed by lexicographers. "Carriole" is a French word for a small, light carriage, and, strangely enough, has been metamorphosed into carryall and applied to a cumbersome vehicle formerly much in vogue in New England, but unknown in Europe. Hadden gives the word as "cabrioling" a word of very different etymology, from caper, a goat, referring especially to the leaping motion of that animal, and applied also to a carriage (cabriolet and cab), which originally was a small one-horse carriage (cabriolet and cab), to which the horse imparted a jerking motion. Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 181 colours, which from the great contrast of the snow has a beautiful effect. The ice is much smoother and better for this amusement before a snow storm, which is there frequent; but yet the idea of the water being deep enough under you to float a ship of the line, and the ice so very transparent as fish to be seen under it, has rather an alarming appearance to a stranger, though very seldom accidents happen - as by an order from the governor the roads are marked out on the river, keeping clear of all springs, many of which are to be found on the St Lawrence - except at the breaking up of the ice - the thaw generally coming on about the latter end of March - when Caryoles are sometimes lost; for example one officer of our regiment. Captain Scott137 ---------------- 137 Alexander Scott belonged to a noted Scotch family known as the Scotts of Logie, and was commissioned an ensign in the Thirty-seventh Foot, October 3, 1757. He was advanced to the rank of lieutenant. May 17, 1759, and served with his regiment through the French war, when, in 1763, his regiment, the Seventy-fifth Foot, which was composed of the Second Battalion of the Thirty-seventh Foot - that battalion having been detached and so numbered in 1759 - was disbanded. From that time until February 11, 1767, he was on half pay, but on the date named was made a lieutenant in the Fifty-third Foot while it was stationed at Gibraltar. The next year he accompanied his regiment to Ireland, and, when it was ordered to America in the spring of '76, he accompanied it, and served through the campaign of that year, being assistant commissary of Powell's Brigade. In a note to Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books, p. 206, he is stated to have served through the Burgoyne campaign, and to have died in 1778; but this statement of Digby corrects the error. Vide Burke's Landed Gentry and British Army Lists, in loco. 182 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. and one of 47th regiment, Cap Lestrange138 both unfortunately lost their lives in this manner. The thaw is attended with a tremendous noise, the ice rushing down from the great Lakes in large bodies crushing all before them many leagues after clearing the gulph, and rendering the approach of ships to that coast at this time of the year very dangerous. All the great Lakes and Rivers we passed during the summer in boats and battows were at this season of the year fine plains for caryoling. - The cold is so very intense, that we have had port wine froze in the bottles, though in a room with a stove. On going out in the air, you must be very well raped up with furs or the most tender parts will be frost bitten, which the only remedy for is being well rubbed with snow, else the part will, perhaps, mortify or drop off. Some few of our men have suffered in this manner through their own carelessness, as they ---------------- 138 Richard L'Estrange entered the Forty-seventh Foot as an ensign, June 13, 1765. He was promoted, November 6, 1769, to the rank of captain-lieutenant, and to that of captain, May 25, 1772. At the date of his latter promotion, the Forty-seventh was stationed at Ireland, from whence it sailed for America in 1773. The Forty-seventh, which had before seen service in America, having distinguished itself under Wolfe at the fall of Quebec, was one of the regiments ordered to Boston at the beginning of troubles there, and in the battles of Lexington and Bunker Hill, Captain L'Estrange participated. After the evacuation of Boston, he sailed with his regiment to Halifax, and soon after joined General Carleton's command and participated in the campaign of '76 which was his last. Vide Historical Record of the Forty-seventh Foot and British Army Lists, in loco. Lieutenant Digbys Journal. 183 were all provided with caps, gloves, blankets coats, &c. &c. A poor fellow of our company died during the winter, and we found it a most difficult affair to bury him. After near a days labor with crows, pick- axes &c, we had a grave dug for him, the ground being froze above six feet deep. This was matter of surprise to the Canadians, who place their dead at this season in a small habitation built beside their places of worship, where they remain froze till the warm weather allows them burial. - At this time the wolves and bears come from the woods to pick up food, when the former are dangerous; they are taken in traps when they howl most dreadfully. We killed a fine bear and his flesh proved not very bad; at least it was a variety. It had a young cub which we tamed and in a little time was very tractable. All the hares turn at this season as white as snow, as indeed do many other beasts in more nothern countrys. c at Quebec and Montreal; the former is the seat of the Governor, who lives in a great degree of elegance, and as absolute in his government as possible. Gen Carlton, notwith- 184 Lieutenant Digbys Journal. standing his severity, was much liked by the Canadians, perhaps fear might have something to say in that case.139 General Phillips commanded at Montreal, and general Riedzel, of the foreign troops, at Trois Riviere. The persons of the Canadians------, but I am exceeding the bounds, I at first prescribed in my preface, by a digression no doubt tedious & tiresome to the reader.-- Thus situated we passed the Winter in as agreeable a manner as was in our power, with an expectation of opening the campaign early the ensueing season. ---------------- 139 Reference has been made --ante note 68-- to the French historian, Garneau's statement, that General Carle- ton, on his return to Canada, punished most barbarously with fire and sword those Canadians who had exhibited sympathy with their brother colonists from the south, who had invaded their country. It is strange that neither Hadden, Pausch nor Digby alluded to this, a matter which ought naturally to have engaged their attention. The nearest approach to such an allusion is this of Digby, and is not sufficient to base an opinion upon. From the absence in these journals of any statement bearing out the assertion of Garneau, we may infer that it is exaggerated. END OF THE FIRST CAMPAIGN.








AY 6, 1777. Lieut. General Burgoyne made
Quebec in the Apollo frigate, with orders
from Government, to take the command of
the army, which, though it pleased the troops in general,
yet caused some surprise at General Carlton's
being set aside; and which could be accounted for only
in the following manner; first his not being able as
Governor to leave the province, as were he to effect a
junction with General Howe, who was appointed Commander
in chief of all America, and which was thought
very probable, General Carlton, as the oldest officer,
must have taken the command, from whence it was
judged better not to let them clash; some gave another
reason, which, I think, must appear an unjust one,
namely, his not attempting to reduce Ticonderoga the
preceding season; and I am positive every officer in
the army, if called upon, would acquit him of acting
imprudently in retireing from that place to winter
in Canada, the season being so very severe and far

188                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

advanced.140 The troops were assembled at St Johns
ready to cross over Lake Champlain. The 31st, 29th
and 34th regiments were left to garrison Canada. The
troops were all in the greatest health and much
improved since their sailing from Great Britain; as
many were then recruits, they were also better inured
to the climate than the preceding season, and General
Burgoyne seemed extremely pleased, as indeed he
must have been, with the good appearance of the
army on taking the field; and I make no doubt, but
the expectations of the people at home were sanguine
respecting his opperations necessary for the junction
with the Southern army, under the command of
General Howe. On his takeing the command, he
gave out the following manifesto or proclamation,
intending it for the benefit of the Americans, where
his army was intended to act, and as he afterwards
says in the House of Commons, rather to hold out
terrors, than put them into execution. Many copies
were soon dispersed through the Provinces of the
enemy. How it was attended to will be seen in the
following pages.
 140 The subject of placing Burgoyne in command of the
campaign about to be inaugurated, was widely discussed at
home as well as in the army, and Burgoyne was openly
accused by his adversaries of having supplanted a brother
officer by the use of means not honorable to a soldier. This
charge he met and refuted in Parliament. On the other
hand, many saw in the action of the government a
disapproval of Carleton's management of the previous

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             189

  Lieutenant General of his Majesties Armies in
America, Colo of the Queen's regiment of Light
Dragoons, Governor of Fort William in North Britain,
One of the representatives of the Commons of
Great Britain in Parliament and Commanding an
army and fleet employed in an expedition from
Canada &c &c. &c.
  The forces intrusted to my command are designed to
act in concert and upon a common principle with the
numerous armies and fleets which already display in
every quarter of America the Power, the Justice
(and when properly sought) the Mercy of the King.
The cause, in which the British arms are exerted,
applies to the most affecting interests of the human
heart, and the military servants of the crown, at first
called forth for the sole purpose of Restoring the
rights of the Constitution, now Combine with love of
their Country, and duty to their Sovereign, the other
extensive incitements which spring from a true sense
of the general privileges of mankind. To the eyes
and ears of the temperate part of the public, and to
the breasts of the suffering thousands in the Provinces,
be the melancholy appeal, whether the present
unnatural Rebellion has not been made a foundation
for the completest system of tyranny that ever God,
in his displeasure suffered for a time to be exercised
over a froward and stubborn generation. Arbitrary
Imprisonment, confiscation of property. Persecution

190                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

and torture unprecedented in the Inquisition of the
Romish Church are amongst the palpable enormities
that verefy the affirmative. These are inflicted by
Assemblys and Committees, who dare to profess
themselves friends to Liberty, upon the most quiet
subjects, without distinction of age or sex, for the
sole crime, often for the sole suspicion, of having
adhered in principle to the Government under which
they were born, and, to which, by every tie Divine
& Human, they owe allegiance. To consummate
these shocking proceedings, the profanation of
religion is added to the most profligate prostitution of
common reason; the consciences of men are set at
naught, and multitudes are compelled, not only to
bear arms, but also to swear subjection to an
usurpation they abhor. Animated by these considerations,
at the head of troops in full power of health,
discipline and valour, determined to strike when
necessary, and anxious to spare when possible. I
by these presents, invite and exhort all persons, in
all places where the progress of this army may point,
(and by the blessing of God I will extend it far) to
mentain such a conduct as may justify in protecting Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             191

upon the first intelligence of their associating, I will
find means to assist their undertakings. The Domestic,
the industrious, the infirm and even the timid
inhabitants I am desirous to protect, provided they
remain quietly in their houses; that they do not suffer
their cattle to be removed, nor their corn or forage
to be secreted or destroyed; that they do not break
up their bridges or roads, nor by any other acts,
directly or indirectly, endeavor to obstruct the
operations of the Kings troops, or supply or subsist those
of the enemy, every species of provision brought to
my camp will be paid for at an equitable rate and in
solid coin. The consciousness of Christianity, my
Royal Master's clemency, and the honour of soldier-
ship, I have dwelt upon in this invitation, and wished
for more persuasive terms to give it impression; and
let not people be led to disregard it by considering
their distance from the immediate situation of my
camp. I have but to give stretch to the Indian forces
under my direction, (and they amount to thousands)
to overtake the hardened enemies of Great Britain
and America I consider them the same where ever
they may lurk. If notwithstanding these endeavours,
and sincere inclinations to effect them, the phrensy of
hostility should remain, I trust I shall stand acquitted
in the eyes of God and men in denouncing and
executing the vengeance of the State against the
wilful outcasts. The messengers of Justice and wrath
await them in the field, and Devastation, famine and
every concomitant horror that a reluctant but indis-

192                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

pensible prosecution of military duty must occasion,
will bar the way to their return.141

               GENERAL ORDERS
Disposition of the army under the Command of
Lieut Genl Burgoyne.
 141 Many humorous replies were made to this high-sounding
proclamation of Burgoyne, one of which Digby himself
gives us. Another, ascribed to William Livingston,
Governor of New Jersey, was especially witty, and purported to
be an agreement for exchange of prisoners, supposing the
commander-in-chief himself fell into the hands of the Americans.
It was arranged in articles, in which his various titles
were appropriately numbered, and a value set upon each for
purposes of exchange. Thus it was proposed to give, as

" 1. For John Burgoyne Esquire, some worthy justice of the peace.
" 2. For J. B. lieut. gen. of his maj's armies in Am. 2 major generals.
" 3. For J. B. Col. queen's reg. lt. dragoons, at least 3 Continental colonels.
" 4. For J. B. gov. of fort Wm. in N. Britain, I Gov. because his multititulary
       excellency is gov. of a fort & 2 as that f. is in North Britain,
" 5. For J. B. one of the representatives of Great Britain, the first member
       of Congress who may fall into the enemy's hands.
" 6. For J. B. com. of a fleet employed on an expedition to Canada, the
       admiral of our navy.
" 7. For J. B. com. of an army employed in an expedition from Canada, I
       commander in chief in any of our departments.
" 8. For J. B. &c. &c. &c. which he humorously discusses, 3 privates."

Washington issued a counter-proclamation, which was in
strong contrast to Burgoyne's, being characterized by simple,
but lofty and dignified sentiments. It closed with these
noble words : "Harassed as we are by unrelenting persecution,
obliged by every tie to repel violence by force, urged by
self-preservation to exert the strength which Providence has
given us to defend our natural rights against the aggressor,
we appeal to the hearts of all mankind for the justice of our
cause; its event we leave to Him, who speaks the fate of
nations, its humble confidence that as his omniscient eye taketh
note even of the sparrow that falleth to the ground, so he will
not withdraw his countenance from a people who humbly array
themselves under his banner in defense of the noblest principles
with which he has adorned humanity."

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             193

Brigadier General Frazier will be joined by the
Canadian companies of Moning and Boucherville,142
Captn Frazier's detachment and a body of Savages.
The German Grenadiers, Chassieures, Light Infantry
under the command of Lieut Colo Bremen143 form a
corps of Reserve, and will never encamp in the line.
The regiment of Riedesel's Dragoons is also out of
the Line, and for the present, will be employed to
cover head quarters. The provincial corps of Peters144
 142 Rιnι Antoine de Boucherville was born at Cataracouy,
the Indian name of a settlement which occupied the site of
the present busy town of Kingston, on February 12, 1735.
He was an active partisan in the war, and subsequently
attained prominence in political affairs, becoming a member
of the Canadian Legislative Council, and occupying other
official positions. He died at Boucherville, Canada,
September 1, 1812. Colonel Rogers questions the identity of
the officer mentioned in this journal with the Seigneur Rιnι
Antoine, above noted. His reasons may be found in
Appendix number twelve to Hadden's Journal and Orderly
 143 Heinrich Christoph Breymann was lieutenant-colonel of
the grenadiers loaned by the Duke of Brunswick to George
the Third. He was a brave and efficient officer, but was
severely criticised for tardiness in marching to the support
of Baum, at Bennington. A report was current in
Burgoyne's army, says Hadden, "that an old picque between
Brymen & Baume might occasion his tardiness, as he was
heard to say, 'we will let them get warm before we reach
 144 John Peters was a Connecticut yankee, and was born at
Hebron in 1740. He was of sound rebel stock. His father,
John, was a staunch patriot, and his cousin, John S., was
governor of Connecticut. The historian of Connecticut, the
Rev. Samuel, was his uncle. He was a graduate of Yale
College in the class of 1759, and studied the profession, of

194                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

and Jessop145 are also out of the line. The recruits
of the 33rd regiment, and the other regiments under
them' when he heard the firing." Be this as it may, he
fought well after reaching the scene of action, was himself
wounded, and his command suffered severe loss. He was
subsequently killed in the battle of Bemus' Heights, October
7, 1777. Vide Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books, pp. 36,
the law, removing in 1766 to Vermont, where he became a
prosperous citizen, holding important civil offices until the
opening of the war. He was a member of the provincial
congress, but was hostile to independence, and allied himself
to the Tories in the war, and accompanied General Carleton
on the campaign of '76 as a volunteer. He went on the raid to
Bennington with Baum, as lieutenant-colonel of the Queen's
Loyal Rangers, expecting to add to his command from the
disaffected after the expected defeat of his fellow-countrymen,
but in the battle lost a large portion of his men. He fought
with Burgoyne through the campaign of '77, and on the eve
of that general's surrender of his army he escaped to Canada.
Here he seems to have been neglected, and the promises
made to him broken. His property was, of course, confiscated,
and he was unable on account of the act of attainder,
to return to his old home. Broken in health, and unable
even to get pay for his services, he finally went to England
to urge his claims upon the government, leaving his family,
consisting of a wife and eight children, at Cape Breton, but
a deaf ear was turned toward him, and for three years he
hung about the back doors of royalty begging in vain, when
death came to his relief in 1788. Vide History of New
York During the Revolutionary War (Jones), vol. I, pp. 686-
692; History of Vermont (Hall), p. 769; Loyalists of the
American Revolution (Sabine), Boston, 1864, vol. 2, p. 183.
 145 Ebenezer and Edward Jessup were brothers, born in
the Province of Connecticut, who, several years before the
commencement of the Revolution, removed to northern
New York where they had acquired extensive possessions,
and erected houses and mills. They were both justices of

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             195

the command of Lieut Nutt146 are, for the present,
to serve on board the Fleet.
the peace for the Province of New York, and engaged in
business enterprises of importance, but when the war began,
thought best to cast in their lot with the British invaders of
their country. Edward Jessup had already had military
experience, having been a captain of Provincials in 1759.
Both brothers, it would seem, were considered competent to
command, hence we find them both prominent among the
commanders of Provincial loyalists. Burgoyne, however, did
not regard these soldiers very favorably, as they did not
stand by him with that constancy which he demanded of
them, but we must remember that he had been bred in the
regular service, and consequently would, of necessity, be
prone to regard Provincial irregulars unfavorably. The
brothers Jessup never returned to the United States and
their property was confiscated. A Jessup genealogy by
Prof. Henry G. Jessup is in press, to which the reader is
referred for further particulars. Also, vide Hadden's Journal
and Orderly Books, pp. 67-74, 112 et passim. I am indebted
for several particulars in this note to Mr. Douglass Brymner,
Canadian archivist.
 146 George Anson Nutt became an ensign in the Thirty-
third Foot, August 28, 1771, and a lieutenant, October 26,
1775. He was in command of a body of about one hundred
and fifty men to recruit the Thirty-third - the regiment of
Lord Cornwallis, which had accompanied Sir Peter Parker's
unsuccessful expedition against Charleston, South Carolina,
and which was to have joined Carleton at Quebec, had not a
change of plan taken place. He was attached with his
command to the artillery in the campaign of 1777, and suffered
captivity with the surrendered army until September 3, 1781,
when he was exchanged. On October 1, 1780, during his
captivity, he was promoted to the rank of captain-lieutenant.
In 1783 he went on half pay, but returned to active service
in 1787, and became, on May 30, a captain in the Sixty-
fifth Foot. Two years later his name disappears from the
rolls. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Hadden's Journal and
Orderly Book, pp. lx, lxx; Burgoyne's Orderly Book, p. 178.

196                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

The line upon the next movement will encamp
in order of Battle as follows, and will continue the
same till Countermanded.

 147 Henry Watson Powell became a lieutenant in the Forty-
sixth Foot, March 10, 1753, and a captain, September 2, 1756,
in the Eleventh, which afterward became the Sixty fourth
Foot. In this regiment he served against the French West
Indies in 1759, and in 1768 accompanied his regiment to
America, June 2, 1770, he was promoted to a majority in
the Thirty-eighth, and July 23, 1771, to a lieutenant-colonelcy
in the Fifty-third Foot. After his arrival in America in the
spring of '76, General Carleton assigned him to the
command of the Second Brigade with the rank of brigadier-
general. Upon the evacuation by the Americans of Ticon-
 148 James Inglis Hamilton. Owing to the fact that there
were several of this name in the army at the same period, it
is difficult to identify the subject of this note during the
early part of his career. Dr. O'Callaghan supposes him to
have been commissioned captain in the army, February 28,
1755, and of the Thirty-fourth Foot, August 25, 1756. In
1758 this regiment formed part of the expedition against St.
Malo, and in 1760 against Belle Isle. On October 17, 1761,
he was appointed major in command of the One Hundred
and Thirteenth Royal Highland Volunteers, which regiment
being disbanded, he retired on half pay on May 25, 1772,

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.                    197

deroga, July 6, 1777, General Powell was left in command of
the captured fortress. After the battle of Bennington, an
attempt was made to sever Burgoyne's communication with
Canada, and an attack was made upon Ticonderoga, which
he repelled, thougth with such a considerable loss of men - a
large number being taken prisoners - as to give to success
when he was appointed lieutenant-colonel in the army.
On March 11, 1774, he was made lieutenant-colonel of the
Twenty-first Foot. He served under Carleton in the
campaign of '76, and was appointed brigadier-general November
5th of that year. He participated in the disastrous campaign
of Burgoyne, acquitting himself "with great honor,
 149 W. R. Von Gall was colonel of the Hesse Hanau regiment,
but at this time was in command of the Hessian
regiments of Prince Frederick and Hesse Hanau, which
had been formed into a brigade by General Carleton, and he
therefore held the rank of brigadier-general during the
campaign. Colonel Von Gall was in the various battles of the
campaign of '77, and shared the hardships attendant upon it,
and seems to have been a good and faithful officer. He was
 150 Johann Friederich Specht, colonel of the regiment of
that name, did not arrive in Canada until the autumn of
1776; hence he did not take part in the campaign of that
year. He, however, participated in the campaign of Burgoyne,
and commanded the first German brigade. He was

198                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

If it should become necessary to form two lines,
the second line is to be formed by the Second
Brigade of British doubling upon the first, and the
Second Brigade of Germans, doubling in the same
manner upon their first. The Brigadiers are always
to encamp with their Brigades.

Lieut Genl Burgoyne takes the occasion of the
Army's assembling to express publickly the high
the hue of defeat. After Burgoyne's surrender, he abandoned
Ticonderoga and returned to Canada, where he held
command for several years. He was made a colonel in the army,
February 19, 1779, and in 1780 purchased an estate in the
suburbs of Quebec. He was made a major-general, November
20, 1782; colonel of the Sixty-ninth Foot, April 16, 1792,
and of the Fifteenth Foot, June 20, 1794; lieutenant-general,
activity and good conduct," according to Burgoyne. He
was among the convention prisoners, and was exchanged
September 3, 1781. He subsequently became colonel in the
army, September 3, 1781; major-general, September 28, 1787;
colonel of the Fifteenth Foot, August 22, 1792, and of the
Twenty-first Foot, June 20, 1794; lieutenant-general, Janu-
among the captured officers and shared the captivity of his
men. He was unjustly accused of appropriating money to
his own use, a charge which grew out of an arrangement
which he made, while in winter quarters, with some of the
inhabitants, to board his men in exchange for their army
rations. These rations he cut down in quantity, in order to
accumulate a reserve fund for them, and although it appeared
that he was not doing this for private gain, his tyrannical
prince, when he returned, after his captivity in 1781, angrily
turned him out of his service. There was another reason,
however, quite as potent with the prince. As long as his
officers remained out of the country, either in the service of
among the captured troops, and after his exchange in October,
1780, returned to Canada and remained there until peace
was declared, when he returned home, in October, 1783. He

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             199

opinion he entertains of the Troops, which his
Majesty has been graciously pleased to intrust to
his command.
  They could not have been selected more to his
  satisfaction, and the Lieut Genl trusts it will be received
as one mark of his attention to their glory and
welfare, that with the promise of every encouragement
the service will allow, he declares a determination and
he calls upon every officer to assist him to mentain
a steady, uniform system of subordination and obeydience.
May 3, 1796, and general, January 1, 1801. He died at
Lyme, England, July 14, 18 14. Vide British Army Lists, in
loco; Burgoyne's Orderly Book, p. 10; Hadden's Journal and
Orderly Books, pp. 45, 117, et passim; Journal of Occurrences
During the Late American War, p. 173; Gentleman's
Magazine, vol. 84, part 2, p. 190.
ary 26, 1797, and general, April 29, 1802. He died July 27,
1803. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Burgoyne's Orderly
Book, pp. 22, et seq., 190, et passim; A State of the
Expedition, Appendix 49; Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books,
pp. 45, 176, et passim.
the British king, or in captivity, the result of that service,
the prince received a considerable income from the treasury
of Great Britain. Specht and others remained in Canada in
the service of George the Third, until the peace, and Von
Gall it appears did not have permission to return; hence he
was made an example of, and the principal reason given was
his return without permission. Certainly no other officer
attempted to return after this salutary example.  Vide
Memoirs of General Riedesel, vol. I, pp. 39, 100; vol. 2, pp.
101-105, 216-218.
died at Brunswick, June 24, 1787.  Vide Memoirs of General
Riedesel, vol. I, pp. 26, 62, 66; vol. 2, pp. 47, 73, 100, et
passim; Journal of Madame Riedesel, p. 160.

200                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

After which the standing regulations of the army
respecting Dutys in camp &c are inserted, with orders
for officer's strictly to observe on their several guards
and out posts, which from their length I am obliged
to omit inserting here. --

           GENERAL ORDERS, JUNE 29.
  The army embarks tomorrow to oppose the enemy.
We are to Contend for the King and the Constitution
of Great Britain; to vindicate law and relieve the
oppressed; a cause in which his majesties Troops,
and those of the Princes, his allies, will feel equal
excitement. The services required of this particular
expedition are critical and conspicuous. During our
progress occasions may occur in which no difficulty,
nor labour, nor life are to be regarded. -
  We crossed the Lake pretty much in the same
manner before related, excepting that the season was
a more pleasant one, and our being a longer time on
the passage, owing to the great tediousness of bringing
over Artillery and other stores, so requisite for
such an expedition. We remained near a week at
Bouquet river,151 30 miles North of Crown Point,
where we were joined by a nation of Indians, and
who, from General Burgoyne, received the most
positive orders not to scalp, except the dead.
 151 The river Bouquet derives its name from Colonel
 Bouquet, who commanded an expedition against the Indians
while Canada was under the French. It was at the place
here mentioned that he negotiated a treaty of peace with the

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             201

  30. The Advanced Corps made their appearance
before Ticonderoga. We encamped at Three Mile
Point. The line, with the general, were at Putnam's
Creek, about six miles in our rear, but expected
shortly up. We had a full view from our post of
their works lines &c and their flag of Liberty
displayed on the summit of the Fort. Our gun boats
were anchored across the river out of the range of
their cannon, and our two frigates, the largest called
the Royal George carrying 32 Guns, and built at St
Johns during the winter, with the Inflexible at a
small distance from the Gun boats, with a large boom
ahead to prevent fire ships coming down from the
Fort. Our Indians had many small skirmishes with
parties of theirs, and always came off victorious, and
what prisoners were taken, all seemed to agree that
they intended to make a vigorous defence. With
our glasses we could distinguish every thing they
were about in the Fort, appearing very busy about
their works, and viewing with their glasses our situation
force &c. It was entertaining enough, being a
scene of life I had not been accustomed to before,
and its novelty made it amusing.
  State of the Army rank and file fit for Duty.

British .......................................... 3,252
Germans .......................................... 3,007
Canadians ........................................   145
Indians ..........................................   500
    Total ........................................ 6,904

202 Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

  I have not included sick officers, servants, Batt-
men152 &c.
  The Country round the Fort is covered with thick
wood through [which] roads were to be made for
our carrying on regular approaches.
  July 1. About 12 o clock a small boat of theirs
rowed down from the fort within reach of the cannon
from our gun boats; she lay on her oars, when we
saw her intent was to reconnoitre our post, at first it
was proposed to fire on her, but the smallness of the
object made it not worth perhaps expending a few
shots on, and she returned quietly back to the Fort.
  2d. A detachment of about 500 men from our corps
were ordered, under the command of Brigr Genl.
Frazier, to take possession of an eminence, said to
command the Fort. We moved at one o clock, and
about three had a skirmish with a large party of the
enemy, and drove them under cover of their cannon.
We lost some Indians and poor Richd Houghton,153 a
 152 Batmen. Bβt is a French word, signifying pack-saddle.
The government formerly allowed to every company of a
regiment in foreign service a batman, whose duty it was to
take charge of the cooking utensils, etc., of the company.
The term came to be applied to men in charge of baggage,
and, finally, though inappropriately, to men in charge of
officers' horses. The pack-horses were also called bat-horses,
and money paid for service bat-money.

 153 Richard Houghton was wounded on the night of July
2d while engaged in trying to save some savages from being
captured or destroyed. They had been having a pow-wow,
and had become drunk as usual, and probably in a spirit of
bravado approached the American lines. Houghton, while

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             203

Lieut of our regiment [was] severely wounded. During
that night they were constantly fireing on us from
under cover of their guns, where they well knew we
could not follow them. Our out sentries and theirs
were very near each other, and sleep was a stranger
to us. We had but two 6 pounders with us, the road
not being cut for a large gun. We fired two evening
guns to make them believe there were two Brigades
on the ground, and also caused our drums to beat to
alarm them in the Fort.
  3d. At day break, the remainder of our corps joined
us with the First Brigade of British, and soon after,
they opened a nine pound battery on us, and by the
direction of their shot, they must have seen our 6
pounders, as they killed a man and horse harnessed,
in the carriage of the gun, on which we were obliged
to move them under cover of a small hill. During
the day they killed a few of our men, and some balls
endeavoring to get the worse than useless creatures back
within the British lines, was fired upon by the Americans
and wounded. One of the savages was killed and another
wounded. Lieutenant Houghton obtained his first
commission in the Fifty-third Foot as an ensign, August 30, 1768,
and was promoted to a lieutenancy, April 30, 1771. Being
wounded in the battle of the 7th of October, and carried
to the rear, he was not among the convention prisoners, and
undoubtedly remained with the Fifty-third in Canada until
its return to England in the summer of 1789. He was
commissioned as captain and captain-lieutenant, December 27,
1785, and his name so appears in the army lists of 1793,
after which date it is dropped.  Vide British Army Lists, in
loco; Journal of Occurrences During the Late American
War, pp. 174, 176; Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books,
p. 83; Historical Record of the Fifty-third Foot, p. 4.

204                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

went through our tents, their ground commanding
  4th. Before day light, we shifted our camp farther
back a small way from the range of their shot, until
our 12 pounders could come up to play on them
in return; by their not throwing shells, we supposed
they had none, which from our camp being on a
rocky eminence would have raked us much; as to
their balls we did not much mind them being at too
great a distance to suffer from any point blank shot
from their cannon. About noon we took possession
of Sugar loaf hill154 on which a battery was imme-
 154 Sugarloaf Hill, or Mount Defiance, was an elevation
difficult of ascent, which commanded the extensive works at
Ticonderoga. The command of Ticonderoga and the defenses
in the vicinity had been assigned to Gates by Schuyler,
who was in command of the department; but the jealousy
of Gates caused him to decline it, and this occasioned some
delay in getting the defenses into a condition to meet an
assault. Schuyler was bending all his energies toward
strengthening the works in his department, and as soon as the
decision of Gates was known, he dispatched General Arthur
St. Clair to Ticonderoga, which he reached on the twelfth
of June. With a strange want of foresight, he took no steps
to fortify the important hill which commanded his works,
but devoted himself to strengthening them. Burgoyne thus
speaks of this neglect of St. Clair: "The manner of taking
up the ground at Ticonderoga, convinces me that they have
no men of military science. Without possessing Sugar Hill,
from which I was proceeding to attack them, Ticonderoga
is only what I once heard Montcalm had expressed it to be:
'Une porte pour un honnκte homme de se deshonorer.' They
seem to have expended great treasure and the unwearied
labor of more than a year to fortify, upon the supposition
that we should only attack them upon the point where they
were best prepared to resist."  Vide Letter to Earl Hervey,
11th July, Fonblanque, p. 247.

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             205

diately ordered to be raised. It was a post of great
consequence, as it commanded a great part of the
works of Ticonderoga, all their vessels, and likewise
afforded us the means of cutting off their communication
with Fort Independent, a place also of great
strength and the works very extensive. But here the
commanding officer was reckoned guilty of a great
oversight in lighting fires on that post, tho I am
informed, it was done by the Indians, the smoak of
which was soon perceived by the enemy in the Fort;
as he should have remained undiscovered till night,
when he was to have got two 12 pounders up tho
their getting there was almost a perpendicular ascent,
and drawn up by most of the cattle belonging to the
Army. They no sooner perceived us in possession of
a post, which they thought quite impossible to bring
cannon up to, than all their pretended boastings of
holding out to the last, and choosing rather to die in
their works than give them up, failed them, and on
the night of the 5th [day] they set fire to several
parts of the garrison, kept a constant fire of great
guns the whole night, and under the protection of that
fire, and clouds of smoke they evacuated the garrison,
leaving all their cannon, amunition and a great quantity
of stores. They embarked what baggage they
could during the night in their battows, and sent them
up to Skeensborough under the protection of five
schooners, which Captain Carter155 of the Artillery
 155 John Carter became a cadet at Woolwich, February 18,
1752; lieutenant-fireworker in the artillery, March 1, 1755;

206                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

with our gun boats followed and destroyed with all
their baggage and provisions. As I happened to be
one of the Lieutenants of the Grenadiers piquet that
night, when we perceived the great fires in the Fort,
the general was immediately made acquainted with
it and our suspicion of their abandoning the place,
who with many other good officers imagined it was
all a feint in them to induce us to make an attack,
and seemingly with a great reason of probability, tho
to me, who could be but a very poor judge, it seemed
quite the contrary, as I never before saw such great
fires. About 120 clock we were very near committing
a most dreadful mistake. At that hour of the night,
as I was going my rounds to observe if all the
sentrys were alert on their different posts, one sentry
challenged a party of men passing under his post,
which was situated on the summit of a ravine or
gully, and also heard carriages dragging in the same
place, who answered friends, but on his demanding
the countersign, they did not give it, and by
their hesitating appeared at a loss; when the fellow
would have instantly fired upon them according to
second lieutenant, April 1, 1756; first lieutenant, April 2,
1757; captain-lieutenant, January 1, 1759, and captain, December
7, 1763. He participated in the campaign of 1776. At
this time he was in command of a park of artillery. He
was created a major in the army, August 29, 1777, and was
among the captured officers, but died a prisoner, on March
17, 1779. vide Kane's Artillery List: British Army Lists,
in loco; History American War (Stedman), vol. I, p. 324;
History Royal Artillery (Duncan), vol. I, pp. 176, 244;
Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books, pp. 91, 250, 317, et passim.

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             207

his orders, had not I come up at the time, on which
I caused him to challenge them again; they not
answering, I called to the piquet to turn out and
stand to their arms, still lothe to fire. Just at the
time, Captain Walker156 came up in great haste and
told me it was a party of his Artillery with two
12 pounders going to take post on Sugar loaf hill,
and his orders to them was to cause it to be kept
as secret as possible, which by their too strictly
attending to, in not answering our challenge, which
 156 Ellis Walker was made a cadet at Woolwich, March 1,
1755, and became a lieutenant-fireworker in the Royal
Artillery October 29th of the same year. He advanced rapidly
in his profession, being commissioned as second lieutenant,
April 2, 1757; first lieutenant, January 1, 1759, and captain-
lieutenant, August 5, 1761. In this year, war again broke
out between England and France, and Captain-Lieutenant
Walker sailed on the expedition under Major-General Hodgson
against Belle-Isle, in the Bay of Biscay, which, after
several attacks and the loss of many men, was captured on
the seventh of June, two months after the appearance of the
fleet before Port Andre. Walker became a captain, January
1, 1771, and was in the campaign of 1776. In the campaign
of 1777 he had charge of the artillery of General Eraser's
brigade. He returned to England after the war, and appears
on the army list as late as 1820, sixty-five years from the date
of his first commission, being then a general, having received
the following commissions, viz.: Of major in the army, June
7, 1782; lieutenant-colonel in the artillery, December 1 , 1782;
colonel in the army, October 12th, and in the artillery,
November 1, 1793; major-general, February 26, 1795; colonel
commanding, September 25, 1796; lieutenant-general, April
29, 1802, and general, January 1, 1812. Vide British Army
Lists, in loco; Kane's Artillery List; History Royal Artillery
(Duncan), vol. I, pp. 224, 229; Hadden's Journal and Orderly
Books, pp. 154, 159, 250-254, et passim.

208                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

could never be the intention of their orders, was
near involving us all in a scene of the greatest
confusion, which must have arose from our piquet
firing on them. I own I was somewhat alarmed, still
thinking the great fires in their lines a feint, and
their coming to attack us with more security,
imagineing we gave into that feint.
  6th. At the first dawn of light, 3 deserters came in
and informed that the enemy were retreating the
other side of mount Independent. The general was,
without loss of time, made acquainted with it, and
the picquets of the army were ordered to march and
take possession of the garrison and hoist the King's
colors, which was immediately done, and the
Grenadiers and Light Infantry were moved under the
command [of] Brigadier General Frazier, if possible
to come up with them with the greatest expedition.
From the Fort, we were obliged to cross over a
boom of boats between that place and Mount Independent,157
which they, in their hurry, attempted to
burn without effect, as the water quenched it, though
in some places we could go but one abreast, and had
they placed one gun, so as the grape shot [could]
 157 Mount Independence. It had received this name on the
eighteenth of the previous July. On the morning of that
day, just after the beating of the reveille, a courier reached
the camp of the Americans, who were posted on this hill,
with a copy of the Declaration of Independence, which
caused great enthusiasm in the camp. A feu-de-joie of
thirteen guns, in honor of the thirteen Confederated States,
was fired, and the hill was named Mount Independence to
commemorate the event.

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             209

take the range of the bridge - and which surprised
us they did not, as two men could have fired it, and
then made off - they would, in all probability, have
destroyed all or most of us on the Boom. We
continued the pursuit the whole day without any sort of
provisions, and, indeed, I may say, we had very little
or none, excepting one cow we happened to kill in
the woods, which, without bread, was next to nothing
among so many for two days after, a few hours rest
at night in the woods was absolutely necessary
  7th. After marching 4 or 5 miles we came up with
above 2000 of the enemy strongly posted on the top
of a high hill, with breastworks before them, and great
trees cut across to prevent our approach; but not-
withstanding all these difficulties, they had no effect
on the ardor always shewn by British Troops, who
with the greatest steadiness and resolution, mounted
the hill amidst showers of balls mixed with buck shot,
which they plentifully bestowed amongst us. This
being the first serious engagement I had ever been
in, I must own, when we received orders to prime
and load, which we had barely time to do before
we received a heavy fire, the idea of perhaps a few
moments conveying me before the presence of my
Creator had its force; but a moment's thought partly
reconciled it; and let not the reader imagine from
that thought, that it was the cause of my deviating at
the time from my duty as a soldier, as I have always
made it a rule that a proper resignation to the will
of the Divine Being is the certain foundation for

21O                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

true bravery; but to return, we no sooner gained the
ascent, than there was such a fire sent amongst them
as not easily conceived; they for some hours
maintained their ground, and once endeavoured to
surround us, but were soon made sensible of their
inferiority, (altho we had not more than 850 men
engaged, owing to our leaving the camp in so great
a hurry, half of our companies being on guard and
other duties), and were drove. from their strong hold
with great slaughter. They continued retreating
from one post to another, the country affording them
many. After killing and taking prisoners most of
their principal officers, they were totally routed and
defeated with great loss. The numbers they had
killed cannot easily be ascertained, as a great many
fell in the pursuit which continued some distance
from the field of action. They had two Colonels
killed, one taken prisoner, with many other officers
killed and taken prisoners. The action lasted near
three hours, before they attempted retreating, with
great obstinacy. We had near two hundred killed
and wounded. Major Grant,158 24th Regiment who
 158 Robert Grant was killed early on the morning of the
seventh. Being on the advance-guard, he surprised a party
of Americans while cooking their breakfasts and drove in
their pickets. He had climbed upon a stump to get a view
of the situation, when he was picked off by a sharpshooter.
Anburey speaks of him as " a very gallant and brave officer."
He had served on this same ground twenty years before
with the Americans against the French, as a lieutenant. He
received his captain's commission in 1762, and, two years
later, was assigned to the command of a company in the

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             211

had the advanced guard was the first who fell. We
had two other majors wounded, which were all we
had with us. Lord Balcarres, Major to the Light
Infantry, and Major Ackland of our Battallion, with
15 or 16 other officers killed & wounded, the fire
being very heavy for the time. On Col. Frances159
Fortieth Foot. His commission to a majority in the Twenty-
fourth Foot he had enjoyed but two years, it having been dated
March 5, 1775. Vide British Army Lists, in loco.; Travels
in the Interior Parts of America, vol. I, p. 327; Naval and
Military Memoirs (Beatson), vol. 6, p. 69.

 159 Ebenezer Francis was the son of Ebenezer Francis and
Rachel Whitmore, and was born in Medford, December 22,
1743. After receiving a careful education, he moved to
Beverly, where, in 1766, he was married to Judith Wood.
He was commissioned by Congress as captain, July 1, 1775
and was the next year promoted to a colonelcy. By authority
of Congress in January, 1777, he organized a regiment - ¦
the Eleventh Massachusetts -- with which he marched to
oppose the advance of Burgoyne. Anburey says that, "At
the commencement of the action, the enemy were every-
where thrown into the greatest confusion, but being rallied
by that brave officer, Colonel Francis, whose death, though
an enemy, will ever be regretted by those who can feel for
the loss of a gallant and brave man, the fight was renewed
with the greatest degree of fierceness and obstinacy." So
interesting is Anburey's relation of two incidents connected
with Colonel Francis' death, that it may be pardonable to
repeat them here, though they have been often before
repeated. He says: "After the action was over and all firing
had ceased for near two hours, upon the summit of the
mountain I have already described, which had no ground
anywhere that could command it, a number of officers were
collected to read the papers taken out of the pocket book of
Colonel Francis, when Captain Shrimpton of the Sixty-
second regiment, who had the papers in his hand, jumped
up and fell, exclaiming ' he was severely wounded.' We all

212                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

falling, who was there second in command, they did
not long stand. I saw him after he fell, and his
appearance caused me to remark his figure, which
was fine & even at that time made me regard him
with attention. Our men got more plunder than
they could carry, and great quantities of paper
money which was not in the least regarded then,
tho had we kept it, it would have been of service,
as affairs turned out. I made prize of a pretty
good mare. In general Burgoyne's letter to Government,
he makes particular mention of the Grenadiers,
who with the rest of the troops behaved with the
greatest bravery. A party of Germans came up
heard the ball whiz by us, and turning to the place whence
the report came, saw the smoke. As there was every reason
to imagine the piece was fired from some tree, a party of
men were instantly detached, but could find no person, the
fellow, no doubt, as soon as he had fired, had slipped down
and made his escape." The sequel is curious. After the
surrender, while Anburey and some brother officers were
prisoners at Cambridge, he says: "A few days since, walking
out with some officers, we stopped at a house to purchase
vegetables. Whilst the other officers were bargaining
with the woman of the house, I observed an elderly woman
sitting by the fire, who was continually eyeing us, and every
now and then shedding a tear. Just as we were quitting the
house she got up, and bursting into tears, said: 'Gentlemen,
will you let a poor distracted woman speak a word to you
before you go?' We, as you must naturally imagine, were
all astonished, and upon inquiring what she wanted, with
the most poignant grief and sobbing as if her heart was on
the point of breaking, asked if any of us knew her son, who
was killed at the battle of Huberton, a Colonel Francis.
Several of us informed her, that we had seen him after he
was dead. She then inquired about his pocket-book, and if

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             213

time enough also to share in the glory of the day,
and the regular fire they gave at a critical time was
of material service to us. After the engagement,
we made sort of huts covered with the bark of trees
for our wounded, who were in a very bad situation,
as we had nothing to assist them till the return of
an express which was sent to Ticonderoga for
surgeons &c. &c. But here the reader will forgive
my leaving that place, (& recollect the hurry we
were ordered from it) without giving a description
of that important fortress. Ticonderoga lies on the
western shore, and only a few miles to the
northward from the commencement of that narrow inlet
any of his papers were safe, as some related to his estates,
and if any of the soldiers had got his watch; if she could but
obtain that in remembrance of her dear, dear son, she should
be happy. Captain Ferguson, of our regiment, who was of
the party, told her, as to the colonel's papers and pocket-book
he was fearful that they were either lost or destroyed, but
pulling a watch from his fob, said ' There, good woman, if
that can make you happy, take it and God bless you! '
We were all much surprised, as unacquainted, as he had
made a purchase of it from a drum boy. On seeing it, it
is impossible to describe the joy and grief that was depicted
in her countenance; I never in all my life beheld such a
strength of passion. She kissed it, looked unutterable gratitude
at Captain Ferguson, then kissed it again; her feelings
were inexpressible. She knew not how to express or show
them. She would repay his kindness by kindness, but could
only sob her thanks. Our feelings were lifted up to an
inexpressible height. We promised to search after the papers,
and I believe, at that moment, could have hazarded life
itself to procure them."  Vide History of Medford (Brooks),
Boston, 1855, pp. 194-196, 513; Travels in the Interior Parts
of America, vol. I, pp. 331, et seq., 336; vol. 2, pp. 208-210.

214                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

by which the water from Lake George160 is conveyed
to Lake Champlain. Crown Point lies about a dozen
miles farther north at the extremity of that inlet.
The first of these places is situated on an angle of
land, which is surrounded on three sides by water
and that covered by rocks. A great part of the
fourth side was covered by a deep morass; where
that fails, the old French lines still continued
as a defence on the north west quarter. The
Americans strengthened these lines with additional
works and a block house. They had other posts
and works with block houses on the left towards
Lake George. To the right of the French lines
they had also two new block houses with other
works. On the eastern shore of the inlet, and
opposite to Ticonderoga, they had taken still more
pains in fortifying a high circular hill, to which they
gave the name of Mount Independent; on the
summit of this, which is table land, they had erected
a star fort inclosing a large square of barracks well
fortified and supplied with artillery. The foot of the
 160 Champlain was the first European who penetrated the
gloom of this wild region, and to the great lake he gave his
own name. Four decades later, that self-sacrificing and
heroic man, the Pere Jogues, with a wild band of savages,
traversed painfully the dangerous trail into the Iroquois
country, and on the eve of one of the many festival days of
his church - that of Corpus Christi - he came to the bank
of this romantic lake, and with religious fervor bestowed
upon it the name of St. Sacrament. This name it retained
for more than a century, when, in 1755, General Johnson
changed its name to Lake George, in honor of the British
king, and in evidence of his dominion over this region.

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             215

mountain, which on the west side projected into the
water, was strongly intrenched to its edge, and the
intrenchment well lined with heavy artillery. A
battery about half way up the mount, sustained and
covered these lower works.
  The enemy, with their usual industry, had joined
those two posts by a bridge of communication
thrown over the inlet. This was like many other of
their performances, a great and most laborious work.
The bridge was supported on 12 sunken piers of
very large timber planted at nearly equal distances;
the spaces between these were filled with separate
floats, each about 50 feet long & 12 feet wide,
strongly fastened together with chains and rivets,
and as effectually attached to the sunken pillars
on the Lake Champlain side of the bridge. It was
defended by a boom composed of very large pieces
of timber fastened together by riveted bolts, and
double chains made of iron an inch and an half
square. Thus not only a communication was maintained
between these two posts, but all access by
water from the northern side was totally cut off.
But to return, soon after the action, about 200
prisoners with a Coll Hale161 came in to us, and
 161 Nathan Hale was born in Hampstead, New Hampshire,
September 23, 1743. His father, Moses Hale, removed to
Rindge, a border settlement of his native State, when he was
about seventeen years of age, and died two years later.
Nathan, who had become a farmer and merchant, was married
on January 28, 1766, to Abigail Grout of Lunenburg,
Mass. From this date he appears as an active and influential

2l6                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

them we obliged to fell trees in order to make a
breast work for our protection, not knowing but the
enemy might be reinforced and come again to the
attack. We were very badly off for provisions, and
nothing but water to drink, and tho it rained very
hard after the engagement (for the day before
and while the action lasted, it was I may say burning
hot weather), we had no covering to shelter us,
our poor huts being a wretched security against the
heavy rain [which] poured on us.
  8th. About 11 o'clock the Germans under the
command of General Reidzel marched from us towards
citizen of the town, and when, in 1774, a company of minute-
men was formed in Rindge, he became its commander, and
was commissioned by the Provincial Congress a captain of
militia, June 2, 1774. "The people were nervously waiting
for the clouds to break, or, if needs be, for hostilities to
commence," when the news of the fight at Lexington reached
them, and Hale, at the head of his command of fifty men,
marched at once to Cambridge and tendered his services to
Washington, which were accepted. He participated in the
battle of Bunker Hill, and was commissioned as follows:
June 6, 1775, major of Colonel Reed's regiment, the Third
New Hampshire Foot; January 1, 1776, major of the Second
New Hampshire Foot; November 8th, lieutenant-colonel of
the second battalion of New Hampshire troops, and, April
2, 1777, colonel of the same. Hale was held a prisoner by
the British, and died in captivity, September 23, 1780. Much
discussion has been held over his conduct in surrendering,
and different opinions still exist regarding it. These have
been ably presented by Colonel Rogers, who, as usual, has
not left much for those coming after him to say on the subject.
Vide History of Rindge (Stearns), Boston, 1875, pp.
85-177, 541,et passim; Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books,
Appendix 15.

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             217

Skeensborough,162 (where it was supposed the main
body of our army had by that time arrived) to our
very great amazement, and which I believe arose from
some little jealousy between the two Generals.163 By
this movement, we were left with about 600 fighting
men, all our wounded to take care of, and a number
of prisoners, in the midst of thick woods, and but little
knowledge of the country around, also at too great
 162 Skenesborough was named for Captain Phillip Skene, a
British officer, who was under General Abercrombie in the
war with the French, in 1758. Becoming in that war familiar
with the region of country about Lake Champlain, he
obtained extensive grants of land in the vicinity, sold out his
commission in the army, and began a settlement to which his
own name became attached. He commonly went by the title
of Colonel Skene. The following incident related by Palmer,
is worthy repeating: "The history of the surprise of
Skenesborough is embellished by an account of a singular discovery
made there by the patriots. It is said that some of Herrick's
men, while searching Skene's house, found the dead body
of a female deposited in the cellar, where it had been
preserved for many years. This was the body of Mrs. Skene,
the deceased wife of the elder Skene, who was then in
Europe, and who was then in receipt of an annuity which
had been devised to his 'wife while she remained above
ground.'" Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Survey of
Washington County, New York (Fitch); History of Lake
Champlain (Palmer), p. 104.

 163 Digby is mistaken in this surmise. There was, as we
well know, considerable jealousy between the German and
English portions of the army; but in this instance, the
advance of Riedesel was part of a plan which resulted in
success to the British arms. Had not Riedesel marched to
the support of the troops under Eraser, who had preceded
him, it is probable that the Americans would have been the
victors in the conflict which followed.  Vide Memoirs of
Major-General Riedesel, vol. I, pp. 114-117.

218                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

a distance from our Army to expect any reinforcements;
and by our scouts a certainty of the enemys
main body, commanded by general St. Clair,164 not
above six miles from us at Castletown; tho we afterwards
found that he, since his retreat from Ticonderoga
with the army under his command, was compleatly
dispirited and thought of nothing but getting
farther from us. In this situation General Frazier
 164 Arthur St. Clair was born in Edinburgh, Scotland, in
1734, and accompanied Admiral Boscawen to America in
1759. He was a lieutenant under Wolfe, and was with that
brave man when he fell on the Heights of Abraham. After
the peace, he was for a short time in command of Fort
Ligonier, in Pennsylvania; but, becoming enamored of a
farmer's life, he left the army and assumed the duties of a
civilian. The war of the Revolution found him surrounded
by a rising family and with every thing about him to make
life happy; but he felt that duty called him from the
happiness of home-life, and he at once cast in his lot with the
patriots. He was appointed a colonel in the Continental
army, in January, 1776, and ordered to raise a regiment.
Within six weeks he had gathered and equipped his regiment,
and was on the march to Canada. He was appointed
a major-general, in February, 1777, and on the fifth of June,
was ordered to the command, which Gates had declined, of
Ticonderoga. He arrived there on the twelfth and assumed
command. He has perhaps been censured unjustly for his
surrender of that post, but he certainly showed great want
of foresight and knowledge in neglecting to fortify Mount
Defiance, which commanded his works, and for not destroying
his stores before retreating. Palmer says: "When
Burgoyne placed his batteries upon the summit of Mount Defiance,
he effectually destroyed all hopes of resistance on the
part of the Americans. Their only alternative was to surrender
or evacuate the works. By adopting the latter course,
St. Clair saved the greater portion of his garrison and
preserved the nucleus of an army, which ultimately baffled

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             219

was obliged to detach a capt's command with the
prisoners to Ticonderoga that night, which weakened
us a good deal, during which, it rained very hard,
and about day break.
  9th, we received orders to march towards
Skeensborough. We were obliged to leave all our wounded
behind us with a subaltern guard,165 who received
orders, if attacked to surrender and rely on the mercy
Burgoyne and compelled him to capitulate. At the moment,
however, all classes of people were astonished at the unexpected
result. 'It is an event of chagrin and surprise,' says
Washington, 'not apprehended, nor within the compass of
my reasoning.' The Council of Safety of New York signalized
it as a measure 'highly reprehensible' and 'probably criminal.'"
People asserted that Schuyler and St. Clair were
bribed by Burgoyne, who fired silver bullets against the fort,
which Schuyler and St. Clair gathered and divided. Even
Thatcher, in his Military Journal, gravely denies the report.
St. Clair suffered much from the severe criticisms passed
upon his conduct, from which, indeed, he never recovered,
although he remained in the service. In 1781 he was in
command of the troops at Philadelphia for the protection of
Congress, and, in 1781, was at the siege of Yorktown, and,
after the surrender of Cornwallis, joined General Greene in
the south. He was a member of Congress in 1786, and
president of the House of Representatives in 1787. He
was governor of the North-western Territory from 1788
until 1812. He died at Laurel Hill, Pennsylvania, August
31, 1818. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; History of Lake
Champlain, p. 146; The Writings of George Washington
(Sparks), vol. 4, p. 493.

 165 It was Sergeant Lamb who was left in charge of the
wounded, and his account of his experiences is very
interesting. He says : "It was a distressing sight to see the
wounded men bleeding on the ground; and what made it
more so, the rain came pouring down like a deluge upon us.

220                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

of the enemy. This was a severe order, but it could
not be helped in our situation. We had about 30
miles to march and for the first six, we every minute
expected to be attacked, and which I must say we
were not so well provided for, as on the seventh, part
of our ammunition being expended, and our force
much reduced; this genl Frazier prudently foresaw,
and though he wished to avoid it, yet by his orders,
we marched in such a form as to sustain an action
with as little loss as possible. By the knowledge of
our Indians, we struck into a path that led us to
Skeensborough, after a most fatigueing march thro
rivers, swamps and a desolate wilderness. The enemy
had evacuated that place some days before, not think-
And still, to add to the distress of the sufferers, there was
nothing to dress their wounds, as the small medicine-box,
which was filled with salve, was left behind with Surgeon
Shelly and Captain Montgomery at the time of our movement
up the hill. The poor fellows earnestly entreated me
to tie up their wounds. Immediately I took off my shirt,
tore it up, and, with the help of a soldier's wife (the only
woman that was with us, and who kept closely by her
husband's side during the engagement), made some bandages,
stopped the bleeding of their wounds, and conveyed them
in blankets to a small hut about two miles in our rear. Our
regiment now marched back to Skeensborough, leaving me
behind to attend the wounded, with a small guard for our
protection. I was directed, that in case I should be either
surrounded or overpowered by the Americans, to deliver a
letter, which General Burgoyne gave me, to their commanding
officer. Here I remained seven days with wounded men,
expecting every moment to be taken prisoner." Vide
Journal of Occurrences During the Late American War, p. 143,
et seq.

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             221

ing it tenable and retired to Fort Anne,166 where they
were pursued on the 8th by the 9th regiment, and
defeated with great loss, though vastly superior in
numbers, the 9th not having above 200 men engaged,
which was, I think, risking a great deal to send so
small a body, when the 47th and 53d regiments were
then at Skeensborough, and might as well have supported
them. Hereafter will be seen the consequences
of detaching such small numbers from the
main body of the army, as it has always been the
wish of the Americans to avoid a general engagement,
except they have a great superiority, and to
surround small parties of ours, and get them into a
wood, where the discipline of our Troops is not of
such force. We had but one officer killed, and Captn
MtGomery167 wounded and taken prisoner, with the
 166 Fort Anne, named thus in honor of the queen, was
built in 1709 by the expedition under Colonel Nicholson,
which was organized against the French in that year. It
was built of timber and surrounded by a palisade, and was
intended only to protect the garrison against the fire of
 167 William Stone Montgomery was the only son of Sir
William Montgomery of Dublin, and was born August 4,
1754. He entered the British military service at the age
of seventeen, his first commission as cornet in the Ninth
Dragoons being dated December 16, 1771. On March 20,
1775, he exchanged into the Forth-fourth Foot, at which
date he received a lieutenant's commission, and January 9,
1776, was commissioned a captain in the Ninth Foot. He
was wounded at Fort Ann on the ninth of July, and was
taken prisoner. The report of General Burgoyne in the
History of the Ninth Foot contains the following reference to
Captain Montgomery: "An officer of great merit, was

222                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

surgeon. At Skeensborough, the whole army rendezvoused,
where Divine service was performed, returning
God thanks for our late successes, after which a feu-
de-joi was fired, beginning from the ships and great
guns, and answered by the small arms of the army.
Captn Gardner168 went from that to England express
wounded early in the action, and was in the act of being
dressed by the surgeon, when the regiment changed ground;
being unable to help himself, he and the surgeon were taken
prisoners." Lamb also speaks of the event as follows:
"Captain Montgomery, son to Sir W. Montgomery, bart.
of Dublin, was wounded in the leg and taken prisoner, with
the surgeon who was dressing his wound, just before we
retired up the hill. I very narrowly escaped myself, from
being taken prisoner at that time, as I was just in the act
of assisting the surgeon in dressing the captain's wound,
when the enemy came pouring down upon us like a mighty
torrent, in consequence whereof, I was the last man that
ascended the hill." Although Captain Montgomery was
wounded in the leg, and from Lamb's account it would
appear not seriously, for some cause of which we are
ignorant, he did not recover, as he is reported in Betham's
Baronetage to have died in America at the age of nineteen
years. This is an error as he was twenty-three years of age.
Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Historical Record of the
Ninth Foot; Journal of Occurrences During the Late
American War, pp. 142, et seq.  Betham's Baronetage, vol.
5, p. 474; British Family Antiquity, vol. 7, p. 194.
 168 Henry Farington Gardner entered the army and was
commissioned a cornet of the Sixteenth Light Dragoons --
Burgoyne's regiment - on May 22, 1761. The next year he
served with Burgoyne in his brilliant campaign in Portugal.
On June 8, 1768, he was made a lieutenant, and on the 20th
of July succeeding, adjutant of his regiment. He became
captain, November 6, 1772, and accompanied Burgoyne to
America as aide-de-camp. He reached Quebec on the twenty-
second, five days after leaving Burgoyne's camp, and found

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             223

with the account of our successes since the takeing
of the field. I shall here insert the General orders to
the Army.

         AT SKEENSBOROUGH, 10th JULY, 1777 }
  On the 6th July, the enemy were dislodged from
Ticonderoga by the mere countenance and activity
of the Army, and driven on the same day beyond
Skeensborough on the right, and to Hubberton on
the left, with the loss of all their Artillery, and five
of their armed vessels taken and blown up by the
spirited conduct of Captain Carter of the Artillery,
with a part of his Brigade of gun boats, a great
quantity of amunition, provisions and stores of all
sorts, and the greatest part of their baggage. On
the 7th Brigadier General Frazier, at the head of a
little more than half the Advanced Corps, came up
with near 2000 of the enemy strongly posted, attacked
and defeated them with the loss on the enemy's part
of their principal officers, 200 killed on the spot, a much
larger number taken, and about 200 made prisoners.
Major general Reidzel, with the advance guard con-
a vessel -- the Royal George -- in readiness to bear him to
England. He sailed on the morning of the twenty-third, and
reached England the twenty-second of August. He did not
return to America, He was made major of the Light Dragoons,
September 11, 1781, and attained the army rank of lieutenant-
colonel, November 18, 1790, when his name disappears
from the army lists. For a more particular account,
reference may be had to Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books,
p. 242.

224                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

sisting of the Chasseurs Company, and 40 grenadiers
and Light Infantry, arrived in time to sustain General
Frazier, and by his judicious orders and a spirited
execution of them, obtained a share for himself and
for his troops in the glory of the action.
  On the 8th Lieutenant Colo Hill,169 at the head of
the 9th regiment, was attacked near Fort Anne by
more than six times his number, and repulsed the
enemy with great loss, after a continued fire of three
hours. In consequence of this action, Fort Anne was
burned and abandoned, and a party of this army is
now in possession of the country on the other side.
These rapid successes, after exciting a proper sense
of what we owe to God, entitle the Troops in general
to the warmest praise; and particular distinction is due
to Brigdr Genl Frazier, who by his conduct and
 169 John Hill entered the Twenty-fourth Foot, March 15,
1747, as a lieutenant; became adjutant, August 25, 1756;
captain-lieutenant, March 9, 1757; captain in the Thirteenth
Foot, December 1, 1758; major, October 10, 1765; lieutenant-
colonel in the army, September 11th, and of the Ninth
Foot, November 10, 1775. Wilkinson's account of the action
is somewhat different from this of Burgoyne. He says:
"The corps which accompanied General Burgoyne to
Skeenesborough, were spread out to keep up and increase
the panic produced by the loss of Ticonderoga; the Ninth
Regiment, under Lieutenant-Colonel Hill, was sent in pursuit
of Colonel Long and his detachment, consisting of the
invalids and convalescents, with his regiment about one
hundred and fifty strong, making in the whole four or five
hundred men. Colonel Long, finding himself pressed, advanced
and met Lieutenant-Colonel Hill, and an action ensued, in
which the British officer claimed the victory; but it is a fact
that the Ninth Regiment had been beaten and was retreat-

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             225

bravery, supported by the same qualities in the
officers, and soldiers under his command effected an
exploit of material service to the King, and of signal
honour to the profession of Arms. This Corps have
the farther merit of having supported the fatigue of
bad weather, without bread and without murmur.
Divine service will be performed on Sunday morning
at the head of the line, and at the head of the
Advanced Corps, and at Sun set on the same day, a
Feu de joy will be fired with cannon and small arms
at Ticonderoga, Crown Point, the camp at Skeensborough
and the camp at Castletown, and the post of
Bremen's corps. Sunday, being a day set apart for
rejoicing, all working parties are to be remitted,
except such as may be necessary for the cleanliness of
the camp. Should the weather be fair, the tents are
to be struck at 5 in the evening, and the troops to
form for the Feu-de-joy an hour before sun set in order
ing, and, but for the entire failure of Colonel Long's
ammunition, the lieutenant-colonel must have been made prisoner,
as well as Captain Montgomery of that regiment, who was
wounded and left on the field, when, as General Burgoyne
tells us, 'Colonel Hill found it necessary to change his
position in the heat of action;' but, in truth, when his corps
was obliged to retreat, and Colonel Long, for want of
ammunition, could not pursue him." It was Lieutenant-Colonel
Hill who secreted the colors of the Ninth Regiment in his
baggage, contrary to the stipulated terms of surrender, and
finally presented them to the king, being rewarded for the
act by an appointment on the royal staff, with the army rank
of colonel. May 16, 1782. Vide British Army Lists, in
loco; Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. I, p. 190; Historical
Record of the Ninth Foot (Cannon), p. 32.

226                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

of Battle. After the Feu de joy the tents are to be
pitched again. Captain Gardner is going to England;
officers who have letters to send, to leave them at
head quarters, before orderly time the 14 inst.
  We were obliged to remain a long time at
Skeensborough on account of getting horses and wagons
from Canada; the Contractor of which, must have
realized a great sum, each horse standing Government
in about £15 if lost or killed in the service,
exclusive of paying the driver, &c &c., and the
King's horses, (so called) from our great park of
Artillery (for this part of the service was particularly
attended to and the Brass train that was sent
out on this expedition was perhaps the finest and
probably the most excellently supplied as to officers
and men that had ever been allotted to second the
operations of an army which did not far exceed
the second in number) amounted to a considerable
number, indeed the expenses of Government were
uncommonly great, as I have heard it computed that
every man in our service through the whole of
America, including loyalists, women and every other
hanger on to the camps, &c, allowing for transports,
service and a thousand other etceteras, stood
government no less than five shillings a day for each
person, and it was thought that at this time, and indeed
through the whole war, above 100,000 were daily
allowed rations, or provisions. Our heavy baggage
&c was mostly then sent to stores appointed at
Ticonderoga, as there was no longer any water carriage.

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             227

The mare I had made prize of was full able to carry
as much baggage as I required, and saved me the
expense of purchasing one for that purpose; and
I suppose at our next moving we had almost as many
horses as men, many officers having 3 or 4, tho it was
strongly recommended by the general to take as little
baggage as possible, which advice I followed, leaving
my bedding behind and making use of a Buffalo skin,
with a cloak to cover me at nights. That baggage we
never after saw, it being through necessity or
accident all destroyed. Many here were of opinion the
general had not the least business in bringing the
army to Skeensborough, after the precipitate flight
of the enemy from Ticonderoga, and tho we had
gained a complete victory over them, both at Fort
Anne and Hubberton, yet no visible advantage was
likely to flow from either except prooving the goodness
of our troops at the expense of some brave men.
They were also of opinion we should have pushed
directly to Fort George,170 where it was pretty certain
they had above 400 wagons, 4 horses in each, with
 170 Fort George was erected in 1757, after the destruction
of Fort William Henry and the massacre of a large portion
of the garrison by the Indians under Montcalm. It was
about a mile south-east of the site of Fort William Henry,
which was not rebuilt after its destruction by the French,
and stood on an eminence about half a mile from the lake.
It is described by Hadden as follows: "Fort George which.
stands near the water at the end of the Lake (George) is a
small square Fort faced with Masonry and contains Barracks
for about a hundred Men secured from Cannon Shot. This
Fort could not stand a Siege, being commanded, & too con-

228                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

stores &c and not above 700 men, which would
have enabled us to push forward, without waiting for
horses from Canada to bring on our heavy artillery,
which these discontented persons declared, was much
greater than we had the smallest use for. Light field
pieces were all we wanted exclusive of the heavy
cannon, which was sent out to retake Quebec, in case
the enemy had succeeded in their plans the winter
of 1775. They also avered that after the late actions,
the enemy were struck with such a panic, and so
dispersed that by that movement we should not have
given them time to collect; which our remaining at
Skeensborough gave them full sufficient time to do;
but I make not the least doubt. Gen Burgoyne had
his proper reasons for so acting though contrary to
the opinion of many. The country round Skeensborough
swarms with rattle snakes, the bite of which
is, I believe, mortal. They alarm the person near
by their rattles, which providence has wisely ordered
for that purpose, and from whence they take their
  20. We were joined by a very numerous nation
of Indians from the Ottawas, and who surpassed all
others I had before seen in size and appearance
fined not to be soon reduced by Bombardment. The Rebels
before they abandon'd it had endeavour'd to destroy the
defences and actually blew up the Magazine in the side next
the Water, which demolished that place." It served principally
as a magazine of supplies, and was a connecting link
between Ticonderoga and Fort Edward. It was named
Fort George in honor of the Duke of York.

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             229

when assembled in Congress, which was well worth
seeing, they being painted in their usual stile and
decked out with feathers of a variety of birds, and
skins of wild beasts slain by them, as trophys of
their courage; and general Burgoyne, by the help
of interpreters, informed them of the cause of the
war &c. &c; when they by a groan expressed their
approbation of what he had advanced, and the measures
he intended to pursue, also their readiness in
taking up the hatchet to assist the troops of their
father, (King George) which was consented to by
the general on a solemn promise from them of not
scalping except the dead. They had brought a
number of Indian toys, most of which we purchased
from them, but were lost with our other baggage as
will be hereafter seen.
  About this time, a letter addressed to general
Burgoyne, burlesqueing his proclamation, (see page
3171) appeared, which perhaps may entertain the
reader. -
  To John Burgoyne Esq Lieut General of his
majesty's armies in America Colonel of the Queens
Regiment of Light dragoons, governor of Fort William
in North Britain, one of the Representatives of
the Commons of Great Britain and commanding an
army and fleet employed on an expedition from
Canada &c. &c. &c.
  Most high, most mighty, most puissant, and sublime
general ! When the forces under your com-
 171 Vide ante p. 189.

230                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

mand arrived at Quebec, in order to act in concert
and upon a common principle with the numerous
fleets & armies, which already display in every
quarter of America the justice & mercy of your King;
we, the reptils of America, were struck with unusual
trepidation and astonishment. But what words can
express the plentitude of our horror, when the
Colonel of the Queen's regiment of light Dragoons
advanced towards Ticonderoga? The mountains
shook before thee, and the trees of the forest bowed
their leafy heads. The vast Lakes of the north were
chilled at thy presence, and the mighty cataracts
stopped their tremendous career and were suspended
in awe at thy approach. Judge then, oh ! ineffable
Governor of Fort William in North Britain, what
must have been the terror, dismay, and despair that
overspread this paltry continent of America, and us,
its wretched inhabitants! Dark and dreary indeed,
was the prospect before us, till like the sun in the
Horizon, your most gracious and irresistible proclamation
opened the doors of mercy and snatched us, as
it were, from the jaws of annihilation. We foolishly
thought, blind as we were, that your gracious master's
fleets and armies were come to destroy us and our
liberties; but we are happy in hearing from you, and
who can doubt what you assert, that they were called
forth for the sole purpose of restoring the rights of
the Constitution to a froward, stubborn generation?
And it is for this, oh ! sublime, Lieut Genl! that
you have given yourself the trouble to cross the

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             231

wide Atlantic, and with incredible fatigue traversed
uncultivated wilds; and we ungratefully refused the
profered blessing? To restore the rights of the
Constitution, you have called together an amiable host
of savages, and turned them loose to scalp our
women and children and lay our country waste. This
they have performed with their usual skill and
clemency, and we remain insensible for the benefit, and
unthankful for so much goodness. Our Congress
have declared Independence, and our assemblies, as
your highness justly observes, have most wickedly
imprisoned the avowed friends of that power with
which they are at war, and most profanely compelled
those whose conscience will not permit them to
fight, to pay some small part towards the expenses
their country is at in supporting what is called a
necessary and defensive war. If we go on thus in our
obstinacy and ingratitude, what can we expect, but
that you should in your anger give a stretch to the
Indian forces under your direction, amounting to
thousands, to overtake and destroy us, or what is ten
times worse, that you should withdraw your fleets
and armies and leave us to our own misery, without
completing the benevolent task you have begun in
restoring to us the rights of the Constitution. -- We
submit, we submit most puissant Coll of the Queen's
regiment of Light Dragoons & Governor of Fort
William in North Britain, we offer our heads to the
scalping knife, and our bellies to the bayonet. Who
can resist the terror of your arms? who can resist the

232                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

force of your eloquence? The invitation you have
made in the consciousness of Christianity, your royal
master's clemency, and the honour of soldiership we
thankfully accept; The blood of the slain, the cries
of the injured virgins and innocent children, and the
never ceasing sighs and groans of starving wretches,
now languishing in the gaols and prison ships of
New York, call on us in vain, while your sublime
proclamation is sounding in our ears. Forgive us,
oh ! our country ! forgive us dear posterity ! forgive
us all ye foreign powers ! who are anxiously watching
our conduct in this important struggle, if we
yield implicitly to the persuasive tongue of the most
elegant Coll of the Queen's regiment of Light
dragoons. Forbear then, thou magnanimous Lieut general,
forbear to denounce vengeance against us!
forbear to give a stretch to those restorers of the
Constitution's rights, the Indians under your
directions! let not the messengers of wrath & justice
await us in the field, and devastation, famine and
every concomitant horror, bar our return to the
allegiance of a prince, who by his royal will, would
deprive us of every blessing of life with all possible
clemency. We are domestic; we are industrious; we
are infirm and timid; we shall remain quietly at
home and not remove our cattle, our corn, or forage,
in hopes that you will come at the head of troops, in
the full powers of health, discipline, and valour, and
take charge of them for yourselves.-- Behold our
wives and daughters; our flocks and herds; our goods

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             233

and chattels, are they not at the mercy of our lord
and king, and of his lieutenant general, Member of
the house of Commons and Governor of Fort William
in North Britain?
SARATOGA, July l0172 -- 1777 A B. C D E &c.

  July 24th. We marched from Skeensborough, and tho
but 15 miles to Fort Anne, were two days going it; as
the enemy had felled large trees over the river, which
there turned so narrow, as not to allow more than
one battow abreast, from whence we were obliged to
cut a road through the wood, which was attended
with great fatigue and labour, for our wagons and
artillery. Our heavy cannon went over Lake George,
as it was impossible to bring them [over] the road we
made, and were to join us near Fort Edward, in
case the Enemy were to stand us at that place, it
being a good road for cannon and about 16 miles.--
Fort Anne is a place of no great strength, having
only a block house, which though strong against
small arms is not proof against cannon. We saw
 172 On the same day General Burgoyne issued a proclamation
to the inhabitants of Castleton and neighboring towns,
requesting them "to send deputies, consisting of 10 persons
or more from each township, to meet Col. Skeene at
Castleton July 15th at 10, A. M,, who will give further
encouragement to those who complied with the terms of my
late manifesto & conditions upon which persons and property
of the disobedient may be spared." In reply. General
Schuyler, on the 13th issued a counter-proclamation, forbidding
these towns to send delegates to meet Burgoyne's commissioner
under pain of punishment. Vide Collections New
Hampshire Historical Society, vol. 2, pp. 148-150.


234                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

many of their dead unburied, since the action of the
8th which caused a violent stench. One officer of the
9th regiment, Lieut Westrop173 was then unburied,
and from the smell we could only cover him with
leaves. At that action, the 9th took their colours,
which were intended as a present to their Colonel
Lord Ligonier,174 They were very handsome, a flag
 173 Richard Westropp had been in the army but a short
time, having received his commission of ensign in the Ninth
Foot on March 14, 1772, and of lieutenant, January 1, 1774.
His regiment took an active part in the campaign of '76, but
he passed through it unscathed to meet his fate at Fort Anne.
Sergeant Lamb, who saw him fall, says that he was by his
side when he was shot through the heart. Vide British
Army Lists, in loco; Journal of Occurrences During the Late
American War, p. 143.
 174 Edward Ligonier was the son of Colonel Francis Ligonier,
who died after the battle of Falkirk, having risen
from a bed of sickness to participate in the battle. He was
commissioned captain and lieutenant-colonel in the First
Foot, August 15, 1759, at which time his regiment was in
America, having participated in the successful siege of
Louisburg the previous year. The scene of Burgoyne's campaign
was familiar to him, as it was upon Lakes George and Champlain
that the First Regiment had operated against the
French, nearly twenty years before the date here given by
Digby. In 1760 Ligonier was in the trying campaign against
the Cherokees, and when that was ended, participated in
the expedition against Havana in 1762. The hardships in
this campaign were very great we are told. Ligonier
returned to England in 1763, and on April 21st of that year,
was appointed aide de-camp to the king, with the army rank
of colonel. Having succeeded to the Irish title of Viscount
Ligonier of Clonmel, in 1770, after the death of his uncle,
the field marshal. Earl Ligonier, he was made colonel of the
Ninth Foot, August 8th, in the following year, shortly after
which time he was advanced to the dignity of Earl Ligonier.

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             235

of the United States, 13 stripes alternate red and
white, [with thirteen stars] in a blue field representing
a new constellation. In the evening, our Indians
brought in two scalps, one of them an officer's which
they danced about in their usual manner. Indeed,
the cruelties committed by them, were too shocking
to relate, particularly the melancholy catastrophe of
the unfortunate Miss McCrea,175 which affected the
general and the whole army with the sincerest regret
He became major-general in the army, September 29, 1775,
and August 29, 1777, lieutenant-general. He died in 1782,
when his titles became extinct. Vide British Army Lists,
in loco; Historical Record of the First Foot, pp. 136-148;
Ibid., Ninth Foot, p. 123.
 175 The story of Jane McCrea has been often related,
sometimes in most exaggerated forms; even her life has been
elaborately written. The generally accepted version is that
David Jones, a Tory officer in Burgoyne's army, sent two
Indians, one of whom was called Wyandot Panther, to conduct
her to the British camp, where she was to be married,
and that on the way thither, the Indians disagreeing with
respect to a division of the "barrel of rum" to be paid them
for their services, Wyandot Panther killed her with a tomahawk.
This version is supported by Wilson in his life of
Miss McCrea, whom he says was killed by le Loup, as well
as by Neilson, who relates that the Indians exhibited their
scalps at a house which they called at, and said that they
"had killed Jenny." They had with them Mrs. McNeil -
who, it seems, was a cousin of General Fraser - in a state of
nudity, and so delivered her to the general, greatly to his
embarrassment as well as that of Mrs. McNeil, as his
wardrobe was not provided with any thing suitable for a lady to
wear. Neilson, commenting upon their treatment of Mrs.
McNeil, says: "The inducement to strip and plunder Mrs.
McNeil was sufficient to account for the butchery of Miss
McCrea." And so it probably was, for the Indians were not

236                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

and concern for her untimely fate. This young lady
was about 18, had a pleasing person, her family
were loyal to the King, and she engaged to be
married to a provincial officer, in our Army, before
the war broke out. Our Indians, (I may well now call
particular whom they murdered, and killed Tories as well
as Americans; indeed, the Tories of Argyle flocked to
Burgoyne for protection against his savage allies. But we have
proof that after all, in this case the Indians were innocent
of murder, and that Miss McCrea was killed unintentionally
by the Americans. Let us examine this evidence. Miss
McCrea had been invited by David Jones to visit the British
camp and accompany the several ladies there in an excursion
on Lake George. He was troubled about her exposure to
danger from the Indians, and intended to press her to marry
him at once, that he might be better able to afford her
protection. Mrs. McNeil and she were just about to embark
under the charge of Lieutenant Palmer and a few soldiers,
when, knowing that the Americans were in the vicinity, the
lieutenant and his men left them for a few minutes to
reconnoitre. While the British soldiers were absent, some of
their Indian allies came up and seized Mrs. McNeil and
Miss McCrea, and placing the latter upon a horse, hurried
away, pursued by a party of Americans, who were close at
hand. The Americans fired upon the flying Indians, one of
whom, Wyandot Panther, was leading the horse upon which
Miss McCrea sat. Mrs. McNeil became separated from Miss
McCrea, and did not witness her death, but said afterward
that the Americans fired so high as not to injure the Indians,
who were on foot. Wyandot Panther, when examined by
Burgoyne, affirmed that Miss McCrea was killed by the
Americans, who were pursuing him; and General Fraser,
at a post-mortem investigation, gave it as his opinion that
she was thus killed by the Americans "aiming too high,
when the mark was on elevated ground, as had occurred at
Bunker's (Breed's) hill." But, in addition to this, we now
have more positive proof in the testimony of General Morgan
Lewis, to the effect that she had three distinct gunshot

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             237

them Savages) were detached on scouting parties,
both in our front and on our flanks, and came to the
house where she resided; but the scene is too tragic
for my pen. She fell a sacrifice to the savage passions
of these blood thirsty monsters, for the particulars of
which, I shall refer the reader to General Burgoyne's
letter, dated 3rd September, to General Gates, which
he will find on page 263, with his manner of acting
on that melancholy occasion. I make no doubt, but
the censorious world, who seldom judge but by out-
ward appearances, will be apt to censure Gen
Burgoyne for the cruelties committed by his Indians,
and imagine he countenanced them in so acting.
On the contrary, I am pretty certain it was always
against his desire to give any assistance to the
savages. The orders from Lord George Germaine176
wounds upon her body, and from the additional fact that
when her body was removed, a few years ago, to a new
burial place, no mark of a tomahawk or injury of any kind
was found upon the skull. We may, therefore, look upon
the familiar picture of the two savages holding an
unattractive-looking female, who does not appear at all disturbed
at the sight of the tomahawk about to descend upon her
head, as fictitious. Vide The Life of Jane McCrea (Wilson),
New York, 1853; Burgoyne's Campaign and St. Leger's
Expedition, pp. 302-313; Neilson's Account of Burgoyne's
Campaign, pp. 68-79; Burgoyne's Orderly Book, pp. 187,
189; Pictorial Field-Book of the Revolution (Lossing), vol.
I, pp. 48, 96, 99, et passim; Memoirs of My Own Times,
vol. I, p. 230, et seq.; Travels in the Interior Parts of
America, vol. I, pp. 369-372; Journal of Occurrences During
the Late American War, pp. 155-157.
 176 Lord George Germaine was the minister for American
affairs, which he appears to have managed disgracefully. He

238                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

to General Carlton, on Lieutenant General
Burgoyne's taking the command of the Army were as
follows. "As this plan cannot be advantageously
executed without the assistance of Canadians and
Indians, his majesty strongly recommends it to your
care, to furnish him with good and sufficient bodies
of these men, and I am happy in knowing that
your influence among them is so great, that there
can be no room to apprehend you will find it difficult
to fulfill his majesty's intentions." General
Burgoyne, afterwards says in parliament: "As to the
Indian alliance, he had always at best considered it
as a necessary evil. He determined to go to the
soldiers of the State, not the executioners. He had
been obliged to run a race with the congress in
was stiff and imperious, unscrupulous in the gratification of
personal resentments, and had been cashiered for cowardice
some years before. In Fitzmaurice's Life of William, Earl
of Shelburne, we are told that he was a man possessed of
"intolerable meanness and love of corruption," and further,
that " he wanted judgment in all great affairs, and he wanted
heart on all great occasions," was "violent, sanguine and
overbearing in his first conception and setting out of plans,
but easily checked, and liable to sink into an excess of
despondency upon the least reverse without any sort of
resource." Fox delighted to compare him to Dr. Sangrado.
"For two years," said he, "that a certain noble lord has
presided over American affairs, the most violent, scalping,
tomahawk measures have been pursued Bleeding has been
his only prescription. If a people deprived of their ancient
rights are grown tumultuous --- bleed them! if they are
attacked with a spirit of insurrection -- bleed them! if their
fever should rise into rebellion - bleed them! cries this state
physician; more blood! more blood! still more blood!"

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             239

securing the alliance of the Indians. They courted
and tempted them with presents, as well as the
British. He had in more instances than one controled
the Indians &c."
  28th. We marched from Fort Anne, but could only
proceed about 6 miles, the road being broke up by
the enemy and large trees felled across it, taking up
a long time to remove them for our 6 pounders,
which were the heavyest guns with us. We halted
at night on an eminence, and were greatly distressed
for water, no river being near, and a report that the
enemy had poisoned a spring at a small distance;
but it was false, as our surgion tried an experiment
on the water and found it good.
After relating how Dr. Sangrado was remonstrated with
for the death of so many patients, he gave the doctor's reply,
to the effect that, having written a book on the efficacy of
such practice, though every patient should die, he must
continue for the credit of his book. He was detested by his
associates and by the generals who commanded in America.
Temple Luttrell abused him in Parliament, without eliciting
a reply. He said on one occasion, while Germaine was present,
referring to the Burgoyne campaign, "flight was the
only safety that remained for the royal army, and he saw one
who had set the example in Germany and was fit to lead them
on such an occasion;" and Wilkes said: "The noble Lord
might conquer America, but he believed it would not be in
Germany." This was in allusion to Germaine's disgraceful
conduct as an officer in Germany, for which he was dismissed
the service. Vide The Pictorial History of England (Knight),
London, 1841, vol. I, p. 325; A History of 'England (Adolphus),
London, 1841, vol. 2, p. 496; Life of William, Earl
of Shelburne, London, vol. I, pp. 357-359; Journal of the
Reign of George the Third (Walpole), London, 1859, pp.
26, 34.


240                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

   29th. Moved about 6 or 7 miles farther, and had
the same trouble of clearing the road, as the day
before. We encamped within a mile of Fort Edward,
on the banks of the Hudson river. It was a very
good post, and we expected it would have been disputed.
There, the road from Fort George then in
our possession joined us, and being in possession of
that post secured Our heavy guns &c coming from
Fort George. It was supposed we should not go
much farther without them. Our tents were pitched
in a large field of as fine wheat as I ever saw, which
in a few minutes was all trampled down. Such must
ever be the wretched situation of a Country, the seat
of war. The potatoes were scarce fit to dig up, yet
were torn out of the ground without thinking in the
least of the owner.
  30th. We moved on farther to a rising ground
about a mile south of Fort Edward, and encamped
on a beautiful situation from whence you saw the
most romantic prospect of the Hudson's river;
interspersed with many small islands, and the
encampment of the line about 2 miles in our rear. There
is a fine plain about the Fort, which appeared doubly
pleasing to us, who were so long before buried in
woods. On the whole, the country thereabout wore
a very different appearance from any we had seen
since our leaving Canada, and from that Fort to
Albany, about 46 miles, the land improves much,
and no doubt in a little time will be thickly
settled. The enemy were then encamped about 4 miles

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             241

from us; but it was not thought they intended
to make a stand. At this time a letter appeared
addressed to General Burgoyne, I believe found
nailed to a tree. There was no name signed, yet it
was thought - (how true heaven only knows) - to
be wrote by brigadier general Arnold, who opposed
our fleet the preceding year on Lake Champlain, and
was then second in command under General Gates.
He first tells him, not to be too much elated on his
rapid progress, as all he had as yet gained was
an uncultivated desert, and concludes his letter by
desiring him to beware of crossing the Hudson's
river, making use of that memorable saying, " Thus
far shalt thou go and no farther." We heard by
some intelligence from the enemy's camp, that Genls
St Clair & Schyler177 were ordered before a com-
 177 Phillip Schuyler was born at Albany on November 22,
1733. His grandfather and father were men of character
and wealth. He inherited large estates under the law of
primogeniture, but generously divided them with his
brothers and sisters. His mother was a woman of unusual
attainments, and gave her son a thorough training. His first
service was against the French and Indians in 1755. He
was with Lord George Howe, with whom he was a great
favorite, in the attack on Ticonderoga, in which attack
Howe fell, and to Schuyler was assigned the duty of
conveying the body of the young nobleman, who was the idol
of his companions-in-arms, to Albany. He was a delegate
to the Continental Congress in May, 1775, and in June was
appointed a major-general. He was assigned to the command
of the army in the province of New York, but owing
to illness, was obliged to relinquish it to Montgomery. He
was most efficient in putting the northern army into a
condition of order and discipline; but while engaged in his

242                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

mittee of their congress, to account for their reasons
of evacuating Ticonderoga. As yet, the fickle Goddess
Fortune had smiled upon our arms, and crowned
our wishes with every kind of success, which might
easyly be seen from the great spirits the Army in
general were in; and the most sanguine hopes of
conquest, victory &c &c. were formed of crowning
the campaign with, from the general down to the
private soldier.; but alas ! this life is a constant rota-
i duties, was, in March, 1777, superseded by Gates, owing to
the persistent efforts of enemies. He was restored to his
command again two months later, and at once proceeded
with great vigor to put the fortifications in his department
into a thorough state of defense, and his army into a
condition to meet the advancing Burgoyne. The fall of
Ticonderoga and his own retreat from Fort Edward, gave his
opponents an opportunity to effect his displacement, and
in August he was again superseded by Gates. His magnanimity
and noble patriotism in continuing to devote his
wealth and services to the cause of his country, put his
enemies to shame. At a court of inquiry, called at his request,
he was rewarded by a full acquittal. After this, although
pressed by Washington, he refused military command, but
rendered efficient aid to the cause. The Baroness Riedesel
gives us a glimpse of the noble character of the man, in her
interesting letters. She had passed through the terrible
I scenes which preceded the surrender of Burgoyne, and with
her children, approached, with no little fear, the camp of the
Americans. What was her surprise and delight to be
received with the greatest kindness. We will quote her own
description of the scene: "When I approached the tents, a
noble-looking man came toward me, took the children out
of the wagon, embraced and kissed them, and then, with
tears in his eyes, helped me also to alight. 'You tremble,'
said he to me; 'fear nothing.' 'No,' replied I, 'for you are
so kind, and have been so tender toward my children, that
it has inspired me with courage.' He then led me to the

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             243

tion of changes; and the man, who forms the smallest
hopes, has generally the greatest chance of happiness.
In the evening, our Indians had a skirmish with an
advance party of the enemy. It was a heavy fire for
about half an hour, when the latter fled with loss.
During our stay there, many of the country people
came to us for protection. Those are styled by the
enemy torys, and greatly persecuted if taken after
fighting against them.178
tent of General Gates, with whom I found Generals
Burgoyne and Phillips. Burgoyne said to me: 'You may now
dismiss all your apprehensions, for your sufferings are at an
end.' All the generals remained to dine with General Gates.
The man who had received me so kindly came up and said
to me: 'It may be embarrassing to you to dine with all
these gentlemen; come now with your children into my
tent, where I will give you, it is true, but a frugal meal, but
one that will be accompanied by the best of wishes.' 'You
are certainly,' answered I, 'a husband and a father, since
you show me so much kindness.' I then learned that he was
the American General Schuyler. The day after this we
arrived at Albany, where we had so often longed to be. But
we came not as we supposed we should, as victors! We
were, nevertheless, received in the most friendly manner by
the good General Schuyler, and by his wife and daughters,
who showed us the most marked courtesy, as, also. General
Burgoyne, although he had - without any necessity it was
said - caused their magnificently-built houses to be burned."
After the adoption of the Constitution, General Schuyler
represented his State as a senator, and maintained a high
place in the esteem of the American people. His death
occurred at Albany, November 18, 1804.
 178 This is a moderate statement of the fact. Not only were
they killed and banished, but Sabine tells us that the Whigs,
after the peace, " Instead of repealing the proscription and
banishment acts, as justice and good policy required, they

244                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

August 9th. We moved on to Fort Miller179 9 miles
nearer Albany, and which the enemy evacuated
some days before. What I could see and learn is,
that few of the forts situated on the Hudson River
in that part, are proof against cannon; they being
built during the last war in order to defend stores
and amunition from the inroads of the Indians, who
frequently came down in large numbers, plundering
and scalping our first settlers residing contiguous
manifested a spirit to place the humbled and unhappy loyalists
beyond the pale of human sympathy. A discrimination
between the conscientious and pure, and the unprincipled
and corrupt, was not, perhaps, possible during the struggle;
but, hostilities at an end, mere loyalty should have been
forgiven." And we are further told that, " throughout this
contest, and amidst all those qualities displayed by the
Americans, many of those qualities being entitled to high
respect and commendation, there was none certainly less
amiable than their merciless rancor against those among
them who adhered to the royal side." The most severe
laws were passed against them, one of which, enacted by the
State of New York, declared that " any person being an
adherent to the king of Great Britain should be guilty of
treason and suffer death." Vide Loyalists of the American
Revolution (Sabine), Boston, 1864, vol. I, p. 88; History of
England (Mihon), vol. 6, p. 127; History of the American
Revolution (Ramsay), vol. I, p. 295; The Loyalists of
America and Their Times (Ryerson), Toronto, 1880, vol. 11,
pp. 5, 78, et passim.

 179 This was one of the forts which was noted during the
old French wars, and witnessed the achievements of the
troops of Sir William Johnson and Baron Dieskau. The
place is frequently denominated in writings relating to the
campaign of Burgoyne as Duer's House, from the fact that
the house of Judge Duer stood near it, and was occupied by
Burgoyne as his head-quarters.

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             245

to that river, and were full sufficient to withstand
any attack made with small arms. I then heard the
very disagreeable news of our regiment (53d) being
ordered back to garrison. Ticonderoga and Fort
George. I was much concerned at it, as in all
probability I should not see them again during the war,
which must be attended with many inconveniences;
but as it was their tour of duty, there was no putting
it over tho ever so disagreeable, which it certainly
was to every officer in the regiment. We had many
sick at this time of fevers & agues so common to
the climate. Cap. Wight,180 to whose company I
belonged, was so ill as not to be able to go on
with us, and many other officers were seized with
those disorders, as the heats then were very severe
and violent, particularly in a camp. All sorts of
meat were tainted in a very short time, and the
stench very prejudicial, and cleanlyness about our
camp was a great consideration towards the health of
 180 John Wright entered the Fifty-third Foot upon its
formation, in 1756, as an ensign, and on January 31, 1758,
was commissioned a lieutenant. Throughout the seven
years' war, and until 1768, his regiment was stationed at the
important fortress of Gibraltar. It was then ordered to
Ireland, and on April 13th of that year Lieutenant Wright
was promoted to a captaincy. From this time until its
embarkation for America, the Fifty-third remained in Ireland.
Captain Wright recovered of the illness mentioned by Digby,
and was killed at the battle of Stillwater on October 7th.
Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Historical Record of the
Fifty-third Foot, p. 2, et seq; Journal of Occurrences
During the Late American War, p. 176.

246                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

the army. I there received a letter from an officer
of ours, who had been wounded at Hubberton,
7th July, in which he informed me that before they
were removed to Ticonderoga, the wolves came
down in numbers from the mountains to devour the
dead, and even some that were in a kind of manner
buried, they tore out of the earth; the great stench
thro the country being the cause of their coming
down, and was enough to have caused a plague. -
  10. An express came thro the woods from Genl
Clinton,181 who was supposed to be coming up the
river from New York, but did not hear what it
 181 Sir Henry Clinton was the son of George Clinton, who
was the governor of New York in 1743, and grandson of
Francis Fiennes Clinton, the sixth earl of Lincoln. His
ancestors were at an early date interested in the
colonization of America. He entered the army in 1758 as a
captain of the Guards, and saw active service in the seven
years' war, rising rapidly by promotion to the rank of
major-general, which position he occupied when ordered to
America in 1775. In the battle of Bunker Hill, and
subsequently that of Long Island, he took a distinguished part.
He was severely, and probably justly criticised for his weak
efforts in behalf of Burgoyne; but the chief blame fell upon
Howe, the commander-in chief, and upon his recall, Clinton
superseded him in the chief command. Being forced to
evacuate Philadelphia by the Americans, he headed an
expedition against Charleston, South Carolina, which he
captured in 1779. The next year Arnold, who had done so
much for the American cause, becoming disaffected, joined
him, and under his direction aided in an expedition against
his former friends, but with little effect. Arnold on this
expedition was accompanied by Colonels Dundas and Simcoe,
to whom Clinton had secretly given joint commissions,
"authorizing them, if they suspected Arnold of sinister in-

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             247

contained. Our heavy guns were then shortly
expected from Fort George, as moving them was very
tedious; a 24 pounder taking many horses to draw
it. We had a carrying place to bring over our
battows, which was attended with great fatigue and
trouble, and were also obliged to make rafts or scows
to convey heavy stores &c down the river Hudson.
tent, to supersede him and put him in arrest." Great inducements
were offered to recruits for the king's forces in New
York, as by the following copy of an advertisement will
appear :
                "ALL ASPIRING HEROES.
  Have now an opportunity of distinguishing themselves by joining
                     Commanded by
   Any spirited young man will receive every encouragement, be immediately
mounted on an elegant horse, and furnished with clothing, accoutrements
&c. to the amount of FORTY GUINEAS, by applying to CORNET
SPENCER, at his quarters, No. 1033 Water Street, or his rendezvous,
HEWITTS TAVERN near the COFFEE HOUSE, and the defeat at
Whoever brings a Recruit shall instantly receive TWO GUINEAS.
Vivant Rex et Regina--"

  Clinton's efforts, however, were not successful, and he was
superseded by Sir Guy Carleton after the surrender of
Cornwallis, whom he had failed to relieve. On his return to
England he wrote "A Narrative" of his conduct in America
in reply to the observations upon it by Lord Cornwallis, and
later, " Observations on Stedman's History of the American
War." He was appointed governor of Gibraltar in 1795,
but, shortly after his arrival there, died on the 22d of December.
Vide British Army Lists; Biographical Dictionary
(Blake), New York, in loco; History of New York (Dunlap),
vol. II, p. 201; Journal of Occurrences During the Late
American War, pp. 293-333, et passim; History of the War
of the Independence (Botta), Philadelphia, 1820, vol. I, pp.
306, 315; vol, 2, pp. 24-26, 307, 370, et passim; History of
the Siege of Boston (Frothingham), p. 148.

248                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

About this time, Cornet Grant183 of Genl Burgoyne's
regm't of Light Dragoons, the 16th, made an unsuc-
cessful attempt to go express to Gen Clinton, and
was obliged to return thro the woods, running many
risques of falling into their hands, to the very great
dissatisfaction of Gen Burgoyne.
 182 A large detachment of German troops
 consisting of Gen Reidzels dragoons who came
 dismounted from Germany, a body of Rangers, Indians
& voluntiers, with 4 pieces of cannon, went from
our camp on a secret expedition; their route was
not publicly known, but supposed for to take a
large store of provisions belonging to the enemy at
Bennington, and also horses to mount the dragoons.
During the night there was a most violent storm of
Thunder, Lightening, wind & rain. It succeeded a
very hot day, and was so severe that the men could
not remain in their tents, as the rain poured quite
through them. Ours stood it better; our horses
tore down the small sheds formed to keep the heat
of the sun from them, being so much frightened.
About day break it cleared up, and a great heat
followed, which soon dried all our cloths &c

 183 James Grant was commissioned a cornet in the Sixteenth
Light Dragoons on December 27, 1775, and was taken
prisoner, as will be seen farther on in this journal. He
appears upon the list of '79, and a man of the same name was
commissioned an ensign in the Twenty-seventh Foot on July
7th of that year, and is continued on the army list to 1784;
but, owing to uncertainty as to his identity with the object
of our search, it is unprofitable to follow his career.

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             249

13th. We moved 3 miles and encamped at a post
called Batten Kill, a strong situation bordering on
the river Hudson, intended for the army to cross
over. Our corps crossed the river with a good deal
of trouble, and encamped about 2 miles west of it.
The troops crossed in battows, which was very
tedious, as we had but few. About a mile below,
the horses and baggage forded it with some difficulty,
the water being high from a great fall of rain, which
came on during the preceding night, in consequence
of which, the troops were put into barracs built there
for 1000 men by Gen Schyler. His house was a
small way in our front, and the best we had as yet
seen in that part, and much superior to many gentleman's
houses in Canada. It was intended we should
move the next day to an eminence a little distance,
which was reckoned a good post, and where there
was plenty of forage for the army.

16th. Our orders for marching were
countermanded and others given out for us, to move at
3 o'clock next morning. As I was upon no particular
duty, I rode back to the line, who, with Gen
Burgoyne were at Fort Miller, and in the evening
returned to our camp, crossing over our new
bridge of boats, which was almost then finished.
At night I mounted an advanced picquet, and had
orders to return to camp next morning at Revally
Beating, day break. Nothing extraordinary passed
during the night, every thing quiet about our post,
and on going to return in the morning received

250                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

orders, - the 17th - to remain, as the corps was not
to move that day, and to keep a very sharp look out;
on which we naturally supposed something extraordinary
had happened. Soon after an engineer came
out to us with a number of men to throw up a breast
work. Still it looked suspicious; but we were soon
made acquainted with the melancholy report, that
the detachment, which marched from us on the 11th
were all cut to pieces by the enemy at Bennington,
their force being much superior. Our 4 pieces of
cannon were taken, two 6 pounders & two 3 pounders.
I fear the officer who commanded, a German, took
post in a bad situation, and was surrounded by the
enemy after expending all his amunition. Our
Albany voluntiers behaved with great bravery; but
were not seconded by the Germans and Savages;
and it was much regretted British were not
sent in their place.183 The express also informed
 183 This remark of Digby plainly reveals the jealousy which
existed on the part of the English toward their German
allies - a jealousy which was inexcusable when the
relations of both to the war are regarded. That the German
auxiliaries performed their duty faithfully, patiently and
bravely cannot be questioned; indeed, when we reflect
upon all the facts of the case, we can but admire the
character which they displayed. It was a piece of great folly
on the part of the English general in assigning men equipped
as they were, and ignorant of the language, to such a
service. Their equipment was ridiculously cumbersome, and
rendered them incapable of making any quick movement.
But an important fact, related in General Riedesel's
Memoirs, should be stated, which shows how they were deceived
by supposed loyalists, whom Baum allowed to gather on his

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             251

[us] that the enemy was greatly elated in consequence
of the above, and were upon the move; but
where he could not tell. Our situation was not the
best, as from the great fall of rain our bridge was
near giving way by the flood, which almost totally
cut off our communication with Genl Burgoyne and
the line. Our post was also far from a good one,
being surrounded and commanded by hills around -
Gen Frazier not intending to remain there above a
night or two. About 4 in the evening our picquet
flanks: "Toward nine o'clock, on the morning of the i6th,
small bodies of armed men made their appearance from
different directions. These men were mostly in their shirt-
sleeves. They did not act as if they intended to make' an
attack; and Baum, being told by the provincial, who had
joined his army on the line of march, that they were all
loyalists and would make common cause with him, suffered
them to encamp on his side and rear. Shortly after another
force of the rebels arrived and attacked his rear. This was
the signal for the seeming loyalists, who had encamped on
the side and rear of the army, to attack the Germans; and
the result was that Baum suddenly found himself cut off
from all his detached posts. For over two hours he withstood
the sallies and fire of the enemy - his dragoons, to a
man, fighting like heroes - but at last, his ammunition being
used up, and no reinforcements arriving, he was obliged to
succumb to superior numbers and retreat. The enemy
seemed to spring out of the ground; indeed, they were
estimated at between four and five thousand men. Twice
the brave dragoons succeeded in breaking a road through
the enemy's ranks; for, upon their ammunition giving out,
Baum ordered that they should hang their carbines over
their shoulders and trust to their swords. But bravery was
now in vain; and the heroic leader, himself severely wounded,
was forced to surrender with his dragoons. Meanwhile the
Indians and Provincials had taken flight, and sought safety

252                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

was relieved by Lord Balcarres and the Battallion of
light Infantry, who were to lie on their arms there
during the night. Our orders were, to be in readiness
to recross the river next morning at day break, and
during the night, to remain accoutred and ready to
turn out at a moments warning. The rain still
  18. Our bridge was carried down by the water,
and to complete all, the ford where our horses
crossed over the 15th was impassable - The river
in the forest." Thus nobly did these poor Germans fight in a
cause in which they had no interest, impelled by loyalty
to their prince and zeal to uphold the honor of German
soldiers. They were in a strange land, and fighting with
and for men whose language they did not understand, and
who affected superiority over them. Their position was,
indeed, a trying one; and that they realized it, may be seen
in the following extract from Anburey's letters: "The
Germans, to the number of twenty or thirty at a time, will
in their conversations relate to each other that they are sure
they shall not live to see home again, and are certain that
they shall very soon die; would you believe it, after this
they mope and pine about, haunted with the idea that,

      'Nor wives, nor children, shall they more behold,
       Nor friends, nor sacred home.'

Nor can any medicine or advice you can give them divert
this settled superstition, which they as surely die martyrs to
as ever it infects them. Thus it is that men, who have faced
the dangers of battle and of shipwreck without fear (for they
are certainly as brave as any soldiers in the world) are taken
off, a score at a time, by a mere phantom of their own brain.
This is a circumstance well known to every one in the army."
Vide Memoirs of Major-General Riedesel, vol. I, p. 130, et
seq.; Travels Through the Interior Parts of America, vol, 1,
p. 161, et seq.

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             253

being swelled so much. We had a few battows and
a large scow for our cannon; so began to cross;
but it was a most tedious piece of work, and late
at night before every thing was over - when we lay
on our arms - not as yet being exact as to the
motions of the enemy.
  19. We encamped on our former strong post
Batten Kill. On this occasion, the Indians in Congress
with Mr Luc184 at their head, with an old
 184 Luc de Chapt de la Corne Saint-Luc was the son of Jean-
Louis de la Corne, who achieved a considerable military
reputation in Canada. St. Luc for many years had served with
the Indians against the English, and had been regarded by
them as a dangerous and cruel enemy. When Canada was
lost to France, St. Luc determined to return to the land of
his fathers, and embarked, October 17, 1761, on the Auguste
with his entire family and over a hundred of the principal
persons of the colony. On the coast of Cape Breton the
Auguste was wrecked, and St. Luc alone of all the passengers
escaped alive. After great hardships he readied Quebec,
and finally seeing the uselessness of opposing the
English rule, became a British subject; but how faithful to the
crown he was may be seen from the fact, that when Montgomery's
invasion of Canada appeared to promise success,
St. Luc determined to desert with his Indians to the
Americans, and secretly wrote to the American general offering
his support, which was accepted; but when this acceptance
reached St. Luc, the American cause did not promise so
well as it promised a short time before, and he concluded to
adhere to the English side. For this treachery he was
distrusted by Carleton, and Montgomery, when he captured
Montreal, refused to include him in the capitulation, being
captured by Montgomery, St. Luc was held a prisoner until
the spring of 1777, when he was released, and soon after
joined Burgoyne with his savages. He seems to have been
as treacherous and cruel as his brutal followers, and as soon
as the British were in a critical condition, he deserted them.

254                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

Frenchman,185 had long resided amongst them,
declared their intention of returning to their respective
homes, their interpreter informing the [general]
(speaking figuratively in the Indian manner) that on
Samuel Mott speaks of him as "an arch devil incarnate, who
has butchered hundreds, men, women and children of your
colonies," and Burgoyne in Parliament thus alluded to him
as one secretly practicing against him: "His name is St.
Luc le Corne, a distinguished partisan of the French in the
last war, and now in the British service as a leader of the
Indians. He owes us, indeed, some service, having been
formerly instrumental in scalping many hundred British
soldiers upon the very ground where, though with a different
sort of latitude, he was this year employed. He is by
nature, education and practice artful, ambitious and a
courtier. To the grudge he owed me for controlling him in the
use of the hatchet and scalping-knife, it was natural to his
character to recommend himself to ministerial favour by
any censure in his power to cast upon an unfashionable
general." St. Luc subsequently became a member of the
Legislative Council of Canada, and took part in the exciting
political questions of the times which succeeded the
termination of the war, but did not long survive. He died in
the beginning of October, 1784, aged 72 years. Vide
Documents Relating to the Colonial History of New York, vol.
10, pp. 112, 132, 345, 500, 629, 750, et passim; Journal du
Voyage de M. Saint-Luc de la Corne, Quebec, 1863; History
of Canada (Garneau), vol. I, pp. 460, 555; vol. 2, pp. 67,
85, 163, 185; American Archives, 4th Series, vol. 4, pp. 973,
1095; Speech of General Burgoyne on a Motion of Inquiry
made by Mr. Vyner in the Parliament, May 26, 1778, and,
for a very full account, Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books,
Appendix No. 17.

 185 This was Charles de Langlade, a Frenchman, who had
long acted with the Indians, and was familiar with their
habits and customs. Anburey calls him Langdale, who, he
says, "planned and executed, with the nations he is now
escorting, the defeat of General Braddock." He had under

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             255

their first joining his army, the sun arose bright, and
in its full glory; that the sky was clear and serene,
foreboding conquest and victory; but that then, that
great Luminary was surrounded and. almost obscured
from the sight by dark and gloomy clouds, which
threatened. by their bursting to involve all nature
in a general wreck and confusion. This the general
(tho in his heart he despised them for their fears
and might have sentenced Mr Luc by a general
Court Martial to an ignominious death for desertion)
yet parted with them seemingly without showing his
dislike, fearing, perhaps, their going over to the
enemy. On which some companies of rangers were
ordered to be raised in their place. At this time,
many of the inhabitants, who before came into our
camp for protection, calling themselves Torys, went
from us over to the enemy, who we hoped soon to
make pay dear for their late success at Bennington.186
his command warriors from many tribes - Sioux, Sacs,
Foxes, Menominees, Winnebagoes, Ottawas and Chippewas.
At the assembling of the tribes, he translated the speeches
of the Sioux chiefs into the dialect of the Chippewas, and
from the Chippewa dialect into the French tongue. For a
memoir, vide Collections Wisconsin Historical Society, vol.
7, p. 123; Travels Through the Interior Parts of America,
vol. I, p. 356, et seq.
 186 This was a constant danger to the Americans. While
a large portion of the people was ready to make any
sacrifice, however great, for the cause of liberty, another
considerable portion was as ready to join the winning side,
whichever it might be. This was realized by the American
commanders, and was the cause of much embarrassment to

256                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

It is scarce to be conceived the many difficulties we
had to encounter in carrying on a war in such a
country, from the tediousness of removing provisions
stores &c, and the smallness of our numbers were
much diminished by sending parties back and forward
from fort George to our camp.
  22nd. A few Germans deserted, one of whom was
taken and suffered death.187 Various were the reports
then circulating thro our camp, not of the most
pleasing kind, which might easily be perceived on
the faces of some of our great men, who I believe
began to think our affairs had not taken so fortunate
a turn as might have been expected; as to my
opinion, it was of very little consequence compared
to so many abler judges; certain it was, as an Indian
express arrived -
  28th. - to our camp, that Col. St Leger188 was
obliged to retire with his small army to Oswego, in
 187 On the 21st of August an order of Burgoyne relating
to desertion contained the following: "In regard to Deserters
themselves, all out posts, Scouts and working Parties of
Provincials and Indians, are hereby promised a reward of
twenty Dollars for every Deserter they bring in; and in case
any Deserter should be killed in the pursuit, their scalps are
to be brought off." The unfortunate man here mentioned
was George Hundertmark, " guilty of quitting his Post when
Centinel without being regularly relieved, and of Desertion,"
and was sentenced to be shot to death. Vide Burgoyne's
Orderly Book, pp. 79, 81, et seq.
 188 Barry St. Leger was born in 1737, and entered the
Twenty-eighth Foot, April 27, 1756, with the commission of
an ensign. The following year he went to America and
served under Abercrombie; was made captain in the Forty-

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             257

his return towards Canada; but I forgot, I should
first have mentioned the nature and cause of his
expedition. Lieut Col St Leger, 34th regmt, left
Canada about the time we did, with a command of
near 700 regulars; viz 100 men from the 8th regmt;
100 from the 34th regmt; Sir John Johnston's regmt of
New York,189 133; and the Hannau Chasseurs, 342,
with a body of Canadians and Indians and some
small pieces of Cannon. He was to go by Lake
Ontario, and to come down the Mohock river on
the Back settlements to take fort Stanwix190 &c, and
eighth Foot, and took part in the siege of Louisbourg in
1758. After its capture he accompanied General Wolfe to
Quebec, and won distinction there. In July, 1760, he was
appointed brigade major, and August 16, 1762, a major of
the Ninety-fifth Foot. At the close of the French war, he
retired on half pay, but on May 25, 1772, procured an
appointment in the army of lieutenant-colonel, and May 20, 1775,
received a commission as lieutenant-colonel in the Thirty-
fourth Foot. His unfortunate expedition to the Mohawk
did not altogether prevent his advancement, as he was made
a colonel in the army, November 17, 1780, and a brigadier-
general, October 21, 1782. He died in 1789. Vide British
Army Lists, in loco; American Historical Record, vol. 3,
p. 435; Colonial History of New York, vol. 8, p. 714; John-
son's Orderly Book, p. 66, and, for an account of his opera-
tions in 1777, The Expedition of Lieut.-Col. Barry St. Leger,
by William L. Stone, Albany, 1877.
 189 This regiment was known by several names, and very
unpleasantly by the Americans on account of its inhumanity.
It was called Johnson's Royal Greens on account of
the color of its uniform; also as the Queen's Loyal
Americans and the Royal Regiment of New York.
 190 This fort was erected in 1758 and called Fort Stanwix,
taking its name from General Stanwix, an officer under

258                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

to join us at Albany. This was the plan settled by
Lord George Germain, as you will see in his letter
to Gen Carlton, dated Whitehall March 6th 1777;
but why that expedition miscarryed I cannot pretend
to say; as the conduct of Col. St Leger [by] common
report, which was all I could depend upon, did
him every kind of [in] justice in the plan concerted
by him for carrying his orders into execution. Our
accounts also from Genl Howe, or rather our hearing
nothing about his proceedings to the Southward, was
another cause of disappointment, as it was but
natural to suppose, that had he done nothing very
great with so large a body of troops under his command -
said to be near 40,000 - we could not
easyly penetrate into the enemy's country with one
eighth of that number; so that upon mature deliberation,
and agreeable to the general's express orders,
it was determined by him to drop all sorts of
communication with Canada - the Army being too small
to afford parties at the different posts between us,
and Ticonderoga - and by forcing his way by the
greatest exertion possible, fight for the wished for
junction with the Southern army; and also to remain
on our present ground till provisions stores &c were
General Abercrombie. After the repulse of Abercrombie
by the French at Ticonderoga, in which Lord George Howe,
the elder brother of General William Howe of Rolutionary
fame, was killed, Abercrombie dispatched Stanwix to
build this fort near the head waters of the Mohawk, the
site of the present town of Rome. It was repaired and
strengthened by General Schuyler in 1776 and received his

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             259

all up previous to so material a movement. In my
opinion, this attempt showed a glorious spirit in our
General, and worthy alone to be undertaken by
British Troops, as the eyes of all Europe, as well
as Great Britain were fixed upon us; tho some
disatisfied persons with us did not scruple to give it
the appellation of rashness, and were of opinion,
that we should have remained at Fort Edward
entrenched, until we heard Genl Clinton was come
up near Albany; and then pushed on to co operate
with him. Our great design & wish then was to
draw on a general engagement, which we hoped
would be decisive, as by their unbounded extent of
country they might, by avoiding it, protract the war.

September 2nd. Went out with a large forraging
party, as was the custom every morning, and
marched 9 miles towards the enemy before we
could procure any; it then turning very scarce from
our remaining so long on that post. We halted at
an exceeding good house near the road, which was
deserted by its master and family on our approach.
The furniture was good, and which I might have
appropriated to what use I pleased. About 3
o'clock we returned to our camp with some hay, not
without some odd thoughts on the fortune of war,
which levels all distinctions of property, and which
our present situation pictured strongly.

4th. A drum[mer], who went from our camp as a
flag of truce to Genl Gates, returned, and the
following letters which passed from Gen Gates

260                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

to Genl Burgoyne, with his answers and Gates'
account of the Bennington affair to their congress,
I shall here insert for the amusement of the reader--

To the honourable, the continental congress.
   Your excellencies will perceive by the inclosed
letters, that the glorious victory at Bennington has
reduced the boasting stile of Gen Burgoyne so
much, that he begins in some degree to think and
talk like other men.

          UPON HUDSON RIVER August 30 1777.}
   Sir.- Major Genl Reidzel has requested me to
transmit the inclosed to Lieut Coll Baum,191 whom
the fortune of war put into the hands of your troops
at Bennington. Having never failed in my attention
towards prisoners, I cannot entertain a doubt of your
 191 Frederick Baum was lieutenant-colonel of the Brunswick
Dragoons, and is spoken of as being a good officer but
unfit for this expedition, in which he lost his life; in fact, the
troops which he commanded were wholly unfit for the service
here assigned them. Stone thus describes the equipment
of one of these men: "He wore high and heavy jack
boots, with large, long spurs, stout and stiff, leather breeches,
gauntlets, reaching high up upon his arms, and a hat with a
huge tuft of ornamental feathers. On his side he trailed a
tremendous broad sword; a short but clumsy carbine was
slung over his shoulder, and down his back, like a Chinese
Mandarin, dangled a long queue." It is admitted that Baum
and his men fought heroically, but in vain, being
overwhelmed by numbers. He lived two days after being
wounded, and was buried with military honors August nineteenth.

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             261

taking this opportunity to show me a return of civility;
and that you will permit the baggage and servants
of such officers, your prisoners, as desire it, to
pass to them unmolested. It is with great concern,
I find myself obliged to add to this application a
complaint of the bad treatment the provincial soldiers
in the king's service received after the affair at
Bennington. I have reports upon oath that some
were refused quarter after having asked it. I am
willing to believe this was against the order and
inclination of your officers; but it is my part to
require an explanation, and to warn you of the
horrors of retaliation, if such a practice is not in the
strongest terms discountenanced. Duty and principle,
Sir; make me a public enemy to the Americans,
who have taken arms, but I seek to be a
generous one, nor have I the shadow of resentment
against any individual, who does not induce it by
acts derogatory to those maxims upon which all men
of honor think alike. Persuaded that a Gentleman
of the station to which this letter is addressed will
not be comprised in the exception I have made-- I
am personally. Sir,
             Your most humble servant,
                          JNΊ BURGOYNE.

   Sir. Last night I had the honour of receiving
your excellency's letter of the 30th August. I

262                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

am astonished you should mention inhumanity, or
threaten retaliation. Nothing happened in the action
of Bennington, but what is common when works are
carried by Assault. That the savages of America
should in their warfare mangle and scalp the unhappy
prisoners, who fall into their hands, is neither new
nor extraordinary; but that the famous Lieut General
Burgoyne, in whom the fine gentleman is united with
the soldier and the scholar, should hire the savages
of America to scalp Europeans and the descendants
of Europeans; nay more, that he should pay a price
for each scalp so barbarously taken, is more than
will be believed in England until authenticated facts
shall in every gazette convince mankind of the truth
of this horrid tale. - Miss McCrea, a young lady
lovely to the sight, of virtuous character and amiable
disposition, engaged to be married to an officer in
your army, was with other women and children taken
out of a house near Fort Edward, carried into the
woods, and there scalped and mangled in the most
shocking manner. Two parents with their six children,
[were] all treated with, the same inhumanity
while quietly residing in their once happy and peaceful
dwelling. The miserable fate of Miss McCrea was
partly aggravated by her being dressed to receive
her promised husband; but met her murderers
employed by you. Upwards of one hundred men,
women and children have perished by the hands of
these ruffians, to whom it is asserted, you have paid
the price of blood. Inclosed are letters from your

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             263

wounded officers, prisoners in my hands, by whom
you will be informed of the generosity of their Conquerers.
Such cloathing, necessaries, attendants &c.
which your excellency pleases to send to the prisoners
shall be carefully delivered, I am, sir, your most
                           Humble servant
                                     H. GATES192

Sir. I received your letter of the 2d inst, and in
consequence of your complying with my proposal,
have sent the baggage, servants &c of those officers,
who are prisoners in your hands. I have hesitated,
sir, upon answering the other paragraphs of your
letter. I disdain to justify myself against the
rhapsodies of fiction, and calumny, which from the first
of this contest, it has been an unvaried American
policy to propagate; but which no longer impose
upon the world. I am induced to deviate from this
rule in the present instance, lest my silence should
be construed an acknowledgement of the truth of
your allegation, and a pretence be thence taken for
exercising future barbarities by the American troops.
Upon this motive, and upon this alone, I condescend
to inform you, that I would not be conscious of the
 192 After General Gates had written this letter to Burgoyne,
he called General Lincoln and his aide-de-camp, Wilkinson,
to hear it read. Upon being pressed for an opinion respecting
it, his hearers suggested that it might be considered
somewhat too personal, to which the old general replied
with his usual profane bluntness: "----, I don't believe
either of you can mend it," and abruptly terminated the

264                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

acts, you presume to impute to me, for the whole
continent of America, tho. the wealth of worlds were
in its bowels and a paradise on its surface. It has
happened, that all my transactions with the Indian
nations last year and this, have been open, clearly
heard, distinctly understood and accurately minuted
by very numerous, and in many parts, very prejudiced
audiences. So diametrically opposite to truth is your
assertion that I have paid a price for scalps, that one
of the first regulations established by me at the great
Council in May, and repeated and enforced, and
invariably adhered to since, was that the Indians
should receive compensation for prisoners, because
it would prevent cruelty, and that not only such
compensations should be witheld, but a strict account
demanded for scalps. These pledges of Conquest -
for such you well know they will ever esteem them -
were solemnly and peremptorily prohibited to be
taken from the wounded and even the dying, and
the persons of aged men, women and children, and
prisoners were pronounced sacred even, in assaults. -
Respecting Miss McCrea; her fall wanted not the
tragic display you have laboured to give it, to make
it as sincerely abhorred and lamented by me, as it
can possibly be by the tenderest of her friends. The
fact was no premeditated barbarity, on the contrary,
two chiefs who had brought her off for the purpose
of security, not of violence to her person, disputed
who should be her guard, and in a fit of savage passion
in the one from whose hands she was snatched,

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             265

the unhappy woman became the victim. Upon the
first intelligence of the events, I obliged the Indians
to deliver the murderer into my hands, and tho to
have punished him by our laws and principles of
justice would have been perhaps unprecedented, he
certainly should have suffered an ignominous death,
had I not been convinced, by circumstances and
observation beyond the possibility of a doubt, that a
pardon under the terms I prescribed and they
accepted, would be more efficatious than an execution
to prevent similar mischiefs. The above instance
excepted, your intelligence respecting cruelties of the
Indians is absolutely false. You seem to threaten
me with European publications, which affect me as
little as any other threats you could make, but in
regard to American publications, whether the charge
against me, (which I acquit you of believing), was
pencilled from a gazette or for a gazette, I desire
and demand of you, as a man of honour, that should
it appear in print at all, this answer may follow it.
I am Sir,
               Your humble servant,
                           JNΊ BURGOYNE.

  6th. We were pretty credibly informed by accounts
which came from the enemy, and were depended
upon, that in the action near Bennington, 16th August,
we had killed, wounded, prisoners and missing--
including wounded in our hospitals, who escaped--
near 1000 men. It was then expected we should

266                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

shortly move, as the magazines of provisions and
other stores were mostly up, and our new bridge
over the Hudson river was near finished. Our
removal from that post was also very necessary, in
respect of procuring forage, which began then to
turn very scarce; indeed, I wonder we did so well,
as it was amazing the great quantity of hay, Indian
corn &c we were obliged to provide for so great a
number of cattle. Potatoes and all other vegetables
were long before consumed, and very few fresh
provisions to be got then. A few of our wounded
officers and men from the hospitals of Ticonderoga
joined the army; also captain Wight and others,
who suffered from fever and such disorders, came
up. The weather then began to turn cold in the
mornings and evenings, which was but badly calculated
for the light cloathing of the army, most of our
winter apparel being sent from Skeensborough to
Ticonderoga in July. Many officers had also sent
back their tents and markees, of which I was one,
and in their place substituted a soldier's tent, which
were then cold at nights though a luxury to what we
after experienced
  10th. About 11 o'clock, an express arrived with
intelligence that the enemy were on the move, and
had advanced from their camp at Half Moon to
Still water, a few miles nearer us, but they might
have saved themselves that trouble, as we should
soon have been up with them. He also informed
[us] that in consequence of that unfortunate affair at

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             267

Bennington, they were joined by some thousands of
Militia, who in all probability would have remained
neuter had we proved successful. From these
accounts we threw up more works to protect our camp
till ready to move towards them; after which we
should be as liable to an attack in our rear as front,
and the waiting to secure every store &c against such
an attack, caused our being so long on that post
  11th. We received orders to be in readiness to
cross the Hudson river at a moment's warning; but
all that day was a continued fall of heavy rain,
which continued till the 13th when the morning being
very fine, the army passed over the Bridge of boats
and encamped on the heights of Saratoga. We
encamped in three columns in order of Battle. The
duty here turned very severe, such numbers being
constantly on either guards or picquets; during that
day and the next we had many small alarms, as
parties of theirs came very near our camp; but a
few companies soon sent them off.
  15th. Moved about 3 miles nearer the enemy, and
took post on a strong position late in the evening,
and had just time to pitch our camp before dark;
about 11 at night we received orders to stand to our
arms, and about 12 I returned to my tent and lay
down to get a little rest, but was soon alarmed by a
great noise of fire, and on running out saw Major
Ackland's tent and markee all in a blaze, on which I
made the greatest haste possible to their assistance,
but before I could arrive, Lady Harriot Ackland,

268                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

who was asleep in the tent when it took fire, had
providentially escaped under the back of it; but the
major was much burned in trying to save her.193
What must a woman of her rank, family and fortune
feel in her then disagreeable situation; liable to
constant alarms and not knowing the moment of an
 193 Anburey has the following account of this occurrence:
"Our situation, as being the advanced post of the army, was
frequently so very alert that we seldom slept out of our
cloaths. In one of these situations a tent, in which Major
Ackland and Lady Harriet were asleep, suddenly caught
fire; the major's orderly sergeant, with great danger of
suffocation, dragged out the first person he got hold of,
which was the major. It providentially happened that in
the same instant Lady Harriet, without knowing what she
did, and perhaps not perfectly awake, made her escape, by
creeping under the walls in the back part of the tent, and
upon recovering her senses, conceive what her feelings must
be when the first object she beheld was the major, in the
midst of the flames, in search of her! The sergeant again
saved him, but the major's face and body was burnt in a
very severe manner; every thing they had with them in the
tent was consumed. This accident was occasioned by a
favorite Newfoundland dog, who being very restless, overset
the table on which a candle was burning, (the major
always had a light in his tent during the night, when our
situation required it) and it rolling to the walls of the tent,
instantly set them on fire." The almost romantic attachment
of Burgoyne's two officers, Major Acland and General
Riedesel and their lovely and devoted wives, relieves in a
striking manner the horrors of the campaign, so strongly
contrasted is it with the suffering and selfishness which
everywhere prevailed. Here were two gentle and refined
women amid the wreck and ruin of war, and always very
near to the portals of death, living an almost idyllic life of
unselfish devotion and love to their husbands, and of charity
and self-sacrifice to those about them. Truly it is a spectacle
worthy of contemplation!

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             269

attack; but from her attachment to the major, her
ladyship bore everything, with a degree of steadiness,
and resolution, that could alone be expected from an
experienced veteran.
  16th. A detachment with about 2000 men with 6
pieces of cannon attended Gen Burgoyne on a
reconnoitering party towards the enemy. We remained
out till near night, and fired our evening gun at sun
set to make them imagine we had taken post so much
nearer them; and afterwards returned to our camp
with the gun. We heard Gen Gates had been there
the preceding day attended by a corps of riflemen.
It was then pretty certain and generally believed,
and indeed wished for, that we should shortly have
a decisive engagement,-- I say wished for, as they
never would allow us to go into winter quarters, till
we had gained some great advantage over them;
should that be the case, many of the country people
would join us, but not till then-- they choosing to
be on the strongest side.
  17th. The whole moved about 9 in the morning,
and tho we were marching till near night, we came
but 3 miles nearer them - we going a great circuit
thro thick woods, for such is all that country-- in
order to keep possession of the heights, we lay on
our arms not having light or time to pitch our tents.
  18th. About 11 in the morning, we heard the report
of small arms at a small distance. It was a party of
the enemy, who surprised some unarmed men foraging
not far from our camp. They killed & wounded

270                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

13, and then retreated194 on our sending a party to
oppose them; and during that day and night we
were very watchful and remained under arms.

19th. At day break intelligence was received, that
Colonel Morgan195 with the advance party of the
 194 A number of men belonging to the British camp were
endeavoring to get some potatoes in a field near by for their
mess when surprised by the Americans. Anburey says that
they might easily have been taken prisoners, and states the
number killed and wounded to have been near thirty. He
remarks that "such cruel and unjustifiable conduct can have
no good tendency, while it serves greatly to increase hatred,
and a thirst for revenge." Vide Travels Through the
Interior Parts of America, vol. 1, p. 409.

 195 Daniel Morgan has been claimed to be a native both of
Pennsylvania and of New Jersey, but his biographer, Graham,
decides that he was born in Hunterdon county. New Jersey,
in the winter of 1736. His parents were Welsh, and his
early life one of hardship. At the age of seventeen he ran
away from home and found employment as a farm laborer
in Virginia. He was a wagoner in the Braddock expedition
and noted for his great strength and daring. While in
the frontier service the next year, he was beaten with five
hundred lashes for striking a British lieutenant in return for
a blow which the officer bestowed upon him with his sword,
under the severity of which punishment he would have
succumbed had not his constitution been of iron. The terrible
marks of this beating, which " cut his flesh to ribbons," he
bore to his grave. He was commissioned an ensign in 1758,
and, after a rough life of a few years, married and settled
down as a farmer in Virginia. When the news of the battle
of Lexington reached him, he mustered a picked company
of riflemen and marched with them to Cambridge, a distance
of six hundred miles, in twenty-one days. It was in the
dusk of evening when Morgan met General Washington,
who was riding out to inspect the camp. As they met,
Morgan touched his broad-brimmed hat and said: "General
-- from the right bank of the Potomac." Hastily dismount-

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             271

enemy, consisting of a corps of rifle men, were strong
about 3 miles from us; their main body amounting to
great numbers encamped on a very strong post about
half a mile in their rear; and about 9 o'clock we
began our march, every man prepared with 60 rounds
ing, Washington "took the captain's hand in both of his
and pressed it silently. Then passing down the line, he
pressed, in turn, the hand of every soldier, large tears
streaming down the noble cheeks as he did so. Without
a word he then remounted his horse, saluted, and returned
to the camp." In Arnold's campaign against Canada, Morgan
was an active spirit, and was taken a prisoner in the
attack upon Quebec. It is said that he wept when he
realized the hopelessness of the campaign. While in
confinement he was offered a colonel's commission to join the
British, but repelled the offer with indignation. After being
exchanged, he joined the army of defense and did noble
service in the battles which preceded the surrender of
Burgoyne. At the close of the battle which decided this event,
it is said that Gates approached him with a proposition to
desert Washington and support his pretensions to the chief
command, but was indignantly repelled by Morgan, who re-
plied: "I will serve under no other man but Washington."
For this reply Gates revenged himself by not mentioning
his name in his report of the battle in which he rendered
such distinguished service. After the surrender of Burgoyne,
he served in the South, and achieved honor at the battle of
the Cowpens, for which he was awarded a gold medal by
Congress. At the close of the war he retired to his Virginian
farm, which he named Saratoga; but, upon the breaking
out of the whisky insurrection in western Virginia, in
1794, he was called to command the militia for its suppression,
and soon after was elected to Congress. Before the
close of his term he retired, prostrated by sickness. Washington,
however, continued to consult him, although he was
incapacitated for service. He died at Manchester. Virginia,
July 6, 1802. Vide The Life of Daniel Morgan (Graham);
also, A Sketch of Morgan by John Esten Cooke.

272                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

of cartridge and ready for instant action. We moved
in 3 colums, ours to the right on the heights and
farthest from the river in thick woods. A little after
12 our advanced picquets came up with Colonel
Morgan and engaged, but from the great superiority
of fire received from him-- his numbers being much
greater - they were obliged to fall back, every officer
being either killed or wounded except one,196 when
 196 The sharpshooters of Morgan caused great havoc in the
British ranks. Lamb says: "Several of the Americans
placed themselves in high trees, and, as often as they could
distinguish a British officer's uniform, took him off by
deliberately aiming at his person." Anburey describes most
graphically the terrible scenes of the day following this
battle: "Our army," he says, " abounded with young officers,
in the subaltern line, and in the course of this unpleasant
duty (the burial of the dead), three of the 20th regiment
were interred together, the age of the eldest not
exceeding seventeen. - In the course of the last action,
Lieutenant Hervey, of the 62nd, a youth of sixteen,
and nephew of the Adjutant-General of the same name,
received several wounds, and was repeatedly ordered off the
field by Colonel Anstruther; but his heroic ardor would not
allow him to quit the battle, while he could stand and see
his brave lads fighting beside him. A ball striking one of
his legs, his removal became absolutely necessary, and while
they were conveying him away, another wounded him
mortally. In this situation the surgeon recommended him to
take a powerful dose of opium, to avoid a seven or eight
hours', life of most exquisite torture; this he immediately
consented to, and when the Colonel entered the tent with
Major Harnage, who were both wounded, they asked whether
he had any affairs they could settle for him ? his reply was,
'that being a minor, every thing was already adjusted; ' but
he had one request, which he had just life enough to utter,
'Tell my uncle I died like a soldier.' Where will you find
in ancient Rome heroism superior ! " This mode of war-

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             273

the line came up to their support and obliged Morgan
in his turn to retreat with loss. About half past one,
the fire seemed to slacken a little; but it was only
to come on with double force, as between 2 & 3 the
action became general on their side. From the
situation of the ground, and their being perfectly
acquainted with it, the whole of our troops could
not be brought to engage together, which was a
very material disadvantage, though everything possible
was tried to remedy that inconvenience, but to
no effect, such an explosion of fire I never had any
idea of before, and the heavy artillery joining in
concert like great peals of thunder, assisted by the
echoes of the woods, almost deafened us with the
noise. To an unconcerned spectator, it must have
had the most awful and glorious appearance, the
different Battalions moving to relieve each other, some
being pressed and almost broke by their superior
numbers. This crash of cannon and musketry never
ceased till darkness parted us, when they retired to
their camp, leaving us masters of the field; but it
was a dear bought victory if I can give it that name,
as we lost many brave men. The 62nd had scarce 10
men a company left, and other regiments suffered
much, and no very great advantage, honor excepted,
was gained by the day. On its turning dusk we
fare, in which the officers were singled out by accurate
marksmen for death, was new to the British and deemed by
them cruel. Vide Journal of Occurrences During the Late
American War, p. 159; Travels Through the Interior Parts
of America, vol. I, p. 423, et seq.


274                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

were near firing on a body of our Germans,
mistaking their dark clothing for that of the enemy.
General Burgoyne was every where and did every
thing [that] could be expected from a brave officer197
& Brig gen. Frazier gained great honour by exposing
himself to every danger. During the night we
remained in our ranks, and tho we heard the groans of
our wounded and dying at a small distance, yet could
not assist them till morning, not knowing the position
of the enemy, and expecting the action would be
renewed at day break. Sleep was a stranger to us,
but we were all in good spirits and ready to obey
with cheerfulness any orders the general might issue
before morning dawned.
  20th. At day break we sent out parties to bring in
our wounded, and lit fires as we were almost froze
with cold, and our wounded who lived till the morning
must have severely felt it. We scarce knew how
the rest of our army had fared the preceding day,
nor had we tasted victuals or even water for some
time before; so sent parties for each. At 11 o'clock,
some of our advanced sentrys were fired upon by
 197 Lamb, who was present, speaks of this in his journal,
and others comment upon Burgoyne's coolness and courage
in battle - placing himself in the fore front of danger, a
conspicuous object for the American sharpshooters, against
whose bullets he seemed to bear a charmed life. His presence
among his troops was in marked contrast to the action
of Gates, who remained in the rear and witnessed no part of
this or the previous battle; in fact, we are told by Wilkinson,
what seems almost incredible: "That not a single general
officer was on the field of battle the 19th Sept. until the
evening, when General Learned was ordered out."

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             275

their rifle men, and we thought it the prelude to
another action; but they were soon silenced. It was
Gen Phillips and Fraziers opinion we should follow
the stroke by attacking their camp that morning;
and it is believed, as affairs after turned out, it would
have been better for the army to have done so; why
it was not attended, to I am not a judge; tho I
believe Gen Burgoyne had material objections to it,
particularly our hospitals being so full and the magazines
not properly secured to risque that movement.198
About 12 the general reconnoitered our
198 Wilkinson gives us a conversation held by him with
General Phillips, in which the latter fully explains the reason why
Burgoyne did not attack Gates on the twentieth. Said Phillips:
"After the affair of the 19th September terminated.
General Burgoyne determined to attack you the next morning
on your left, with his whole force; our wounded, and
sick, and women had been disposed of at the river; the
army was formed early on the morning of the 20th, and we
waited only for the dispersion of the fog. when General
Fraser observed to General Burgoyne, that the grenadiers
and light infantry who were to lead the attack, appeared
fatigued by the duty of the preceding day, and that if he
would suspend the operation until the next morning, he was
persuaded they would carry the attack with more vivacity.
Burgoyne yielded to the proposition of Fraser; the orders
were countermanded, and the corps returned to camp; and
as if intended for your safety and our destruction, in the
course of the night, a spy reached Burgoyne with a letter
from General Sir Henry Clinton, advising him of his in-
tended expedition against the highlands, which determined
Burgoyne to postpone the meditated attack of your army,
and wait events; the golden, glorious opportunity was lost -
you grew stronger every day, and on the 7th of October over-
whelmed us." This is a very different account from Digby's.
Vide Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. I, p. 251, et seq.

276                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

post and contracted the extent of ground we then
covered to a more secure one nearer the river, which
we took up in the evening - our left flank near the
Hudson river to guard our battows and stores, and
our right extending near two miles to heights west of
the river, with strong ravines, both in our front and
rear, the former nearly within cannon shot of the
enemy. On our taking up this ground, we buried
numbers of their dead. Their loss must have been
considerable, as the fire was very severe. Contiguous
to our ground was a fine field of Indian corn, which
greatly served our horses, who had but little care
taken of them the last 2 days, and many were killed
the 19th. At night, half stood to their arms, and so
relieved each other, in which time of watch we could
distinctly hear them in the wood between us felling
trees; from which we supposed they were fortifying
their camp, which by. all accounts, and the situation
of the country, we had reason to believe was very
 21st. Their morning gun, from its report, seemed
almost as near as our own, and soon after we heard
them beating their drums frequently for orders. At
12 we heard them huzzaing in their camp, after which
they fired 13 heavy guns, which we imagined might
be signals for an attack; and which would be the
most fortunate event that we could have wished,
our position being so very advantageous. Soon
after we found it was a Feu-de-joy, but for what cause

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             277

we could not tell199 In the evening, an express was
sent thro the woods to Gen Clinton, informing him
that if he could not advance nearer to Albany, by
which movement many troops then opposing us would
be drawn off to stop his progress, we should be
obliged to return to Ticonderoga by 12th October at
farthest, as our provisions would not allow of our
remaining there beyond that period. At 6 in the
evening we encamped. It rained very heavy, and
the general often expressed his desire that the men
would take some rest - being greatly harassed after
their great fatigue - to make them the better able
to bear what might follow. The night was constant
rain, and we lay accoutred in our tents
  22nd. Formed a bridge of boats across the Hudson,
on the left flank of our line. A spy from the enemy
was taken near our camp, and we had reason to sup-
pose there were many others around. He informed
that they had a report Gen Burgoyne was killed on
the l9th which must have arose from Capn Green,200
 199 This feu-de-joie was probably caused by the reception of
the news of the partially successful expedition against Ticonderoga
in the rear of Burgoyne's army. On the eighteenth,
Colonel Brown attacked Ticonderoga and captured a portion
of the Fifty-third Regiment in the old French lines and
released about a hundred prisoners, which were held by the
British. He also took an armed vessel stationed to defend
the carrying place, with several officers. Digby does not
recognize the fact that one gun was fired for each of the

 200 Charles Green was born December 18, 1749, at Gibraltar,
where his father was stationed with his regiment. At

278                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

one of the aid de camps, being wounded and falling
from his horse near the general. About noon there
was a confused report of Gen Clinton's comeing up
the river, and it must be owned Gen Burgoyne was
the early age of eleven he became a gentleman cadet in the
Royal Artillery, and an ensign in the Thirty-first Foot at
the age of sixteen. November 23, 1769, he was made a
lieutenant - his regiment being then in Florida - and
served against the Charibs in 1772-3. In May he returned
to England and was appointed adjutant of his regiment, and
became, in 1774, a captain-lieutenant by purchase. He
served in the campaign of '76 and, at the beginning of the
campaign of '77, was made aide-de-camp to Major-General
Phillips. After recovering from the wound which Digby
here mentions, he returned in March, 1778, to England, and
became aide-de-camp to Lieutenant-General Oughton. He
rejoined his regiment in Canada, in 1780, and was appointed
major of brigade the following year. He became major of
the Thirty-first by purchase in 1788. In 1793 he was made
lieutenant-colonel of a battalion, and the next year was
transferred to the Thirtieth Foot, which he accompanied
to Corsica, where he remained until 1796, when he received
the appointment of coast governor of Grenada, which office
he retained until 1801, when he returned to England, and,
in January, 1797, was promoted to a colonelcy. In October,
1798, he received a further promotion to the rank of
brigadier general, and for some time commanded in Ireland. He
was raised to the honor of knighthood. May 3, 1803, and in
the spring of 1804 conducted an expedition against Surinam,
and, after its capture, administered the civil government
there for a year, when, owing to broken health, he returned
to England, and was further honored by being created a
baronet, December 5, 1805. In May, 1807, he was placed in
command of the garrison at Malta, which position he
retained a year, and, in 1809, was raised to the rank of
lieutenant-general, and, in 18 19, to that of general. He died
at Cheltenham, England, in 1831. Vide British Army Lists,
in loco; Annual Biography and Obituary, vol. 16, p. 439.

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             279

too ready to believe any report in our favour. Orders
were given for our cannon to fire 8 rounds at mid
night from the park of Artillery. It was done with
a view of causing the enemy to draw in their out
posts expecting an attack, at which time 2 officers in
disguise were sent express to Gen Clinton with
messages to the same effect as was sent the 21st The
intention answered, as they stood to their works all
that night which was constant rain,
  23rd. It was said we were to strengthen our camp
and wait some favourable accounts from Gen Clinton,
and accordingly began to fell trees for that purpose.
I visited our hospitals, which were much crowded,
and attended the Auctions of our deceased officers,
which for the time caused a few melancholy ideas,
though still confirmed me in believing that the
oftener death is placed before our eyes the less
terrible it appears. All kinds of supplies and stores
from Canada were then entirely cut off, as the
communication was dropped, and the variety of reports
and opinions circulating were curious and entertaining,
as I believe our situation was rather uncommon;
it was such at least as few of us had before
experienced. Some few thouorht we should be ordered to
retreat suddenly under cover of some dark night, but
that was not thought probable, as it would be cruel
to leave the great numbers of sick and wounded we
had in such a situation; we also were certain our
general would try another action before a retreat was
thought on. Others said we waited either to receive

280                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

a reinforcement from Ticonderoga or Gen Clinton,
which last might have some weight, but as to the
former, we knew there were too few troops there to
be able to spare us any. Others again thought
when the enemy saw us determined to keep our
ground and heard of Gen Clinton's movements, they
would draw off part of their great force to oppose
him; but that was not thought very probable by
their receiving so large reinforcements daily to their
camp. On the whole, 1 believe most people's opinions
and suppositions were rather founded on what they
wished, than on any certain knowledge of what would
happen; time only, that great disposer of all human
events, could alone unfold to us what was to come.
Our few remaining Indians appeared very shy at
going out on any scouting parties, indeed, I always
took them for a people, whose very horrid figure had
a greater effect on their enemy than any courage
they possessed, as their cruel turn often assured me
they could not be brave, Humanity & pity for the
misfortunes of the wretched, being invariably the
constant companions of true courage; theirs is savage
and will never steadily look on danger. We there
got some news papers of the enemy taken from [a]
deserter, in which there was an account of the 19th by
a Mr. Wilkinson, adjutant genl. to their army, very
partially given, saying we retreated the 19th from the
field of battle, which was absolutely false as we lay
that night on the same ground we fought on. as a
proof of which, we buried their dead the morning of

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             281

the 20th - they not venturing near. He concludes with
a poor, low expression, saying, "On the 20th the
enemy lay very quietly licking their sores.201
  24th. At day break they fired on our German picquet
and killed 3 men, but this alarm gave us no unnecessary
trouble, as we were always under arms an hour
before day and remained so till it was completely
light. During the night it rained heavy, and on the
26th many bodies not buried deep enough in the
ground appeared, (from the great rain), as the soil
was a light sand, and caused a most dreadful smell.
We still continued making more works. A report
[was] circulated [that] Ticonderoga was taken, but
not believed. I shall here insert Gen Gates' orders
to his troops which we received by a deserter -

          UNITED STATES September 26. 1777.}

  "The public business having so entirely engaged
the attention of the General, that he has not been
 201 The letter here referred to by Digby was addressed by
Wilkinson to Colonel Vischer, who was at Albany on the
twentieth of September, and was published in the papers of
the day. In it he said: "The concurrent testimony of the
prisoners and deserters of various characters, assures us, that
General Burgoyne who commanded in person was wounded
in the left shoulder, that the 62nd regiment was cut to pieces,
and that the enemy suffered extremely in every quarter
where they were engaged. As General Burgoyne's situation
will shortly constrain him to a decisive action,
reinforcements should be immediately pushed forward to our
assistance, as our numbers arc far from being equal to an
insurance of victory, and every bosom must anticipate the
consequences of a defeat. The enemy have quietly licked
their sores this day."

282                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

properly at leisure to return his grateful thanks to
Gen. Poor's202 & Gen Learned's203 Brigades, to the
 202 Enoch Poor was the son of Thomas and a grandson of
Daniel Poor, who was one of the pioneers in the settlement
of Andover, Massachusetts, in which town Enoch was born
in 1736. After receiving his education, he removed to
Exeter, New Hampshire, and engaged in commercial pursuits.
When the sound of the guns fired at Lexington reached his
ears, he hastened to cast in his lot with the patriots, and
was appointed colonel of the Second New Hampshire Regiment.
After the evacuation of Boston his regiment was
ordered to New York, and later joined in the invasion of
Canada. On February 21, 1777, he was appointed a brigadier-
general, and did valuable service in the campaign of that
year which resulted so gloriously for the cause of Independence.
After witnessing the surrender of Burgoyne, General
Poor accompanied his command to the Delaware, where
he ably supported General Washington in his operations in
that quarter, and shared with him the hardships of Valley
Forge. He greatly distinguished himself at the battle of
Monmouth, and later in an expedition against the Indians
of the Six Nations. In August, 1780, General Poor was
placed in command of a brigade under Lafayette, by whom
he was greatly esteemed. Unfortunately, while in this
command, he had a quarrel with a French officer and was killed
by him in a duel, September 8, 1780. Washington, when he
announced his death to Congress, spoke of him as "an
officer of distinguished merit, who, as a citizen and a soldier,
had every claim to the esteem of his country."

 203 Ebenezer Learned was born at Framingham, Massachusetts,
in 1728, and served as a captain in the French war of
1756-1763. After the battle of Lexington, which fired the
military ardor of the country. Learned marched with the
Third Massachusetts Regiment, of which he had been made
colonel, to Cambridge, which place he reached on the day
after the battle. When the army was ordered to New York,
Learned, who had contracted disease in the service, retired,
by permission of Congress, in May, 1776; but, recovering his
health again, offered his services to his country, and was

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             283

regiment of rifle men, to the corps of light infantry
and to Colo Marshall's204 regiment for their valiant
behaviour in the action of the 19th inst, which will for
ever establish and confirm the reputation of the arms
of the United States; notwithstanding the General
has been so late in giving this public mark of honour
and applause to the brave men, whose valour has so
eminently served their country, he assures them the
just praise he immediately gave to the Honorable,
the Continental Congress, will remain a lasting record
of their honour and renown.

By the account of the enemy; by their embarrassed
circumstances; by the desperate situation of
their affairs, it is evident they must endeavour by
one rash stroke to regain all they have lost, that
failing, their utter ruin is inevitable. The General
therefore intreats his valiant army, that they will, by
the exactness of their discipline, by their alertness to
appointed a brigadier-general on April 2, 1777, and he soon
after joined the army, which was concentrating on the Hudson
to repel the advance of the British invaders from Canada.
He participated in the campaign which terminated so successfully
for the patriots, but, his health again failing, he was
obliged to retire permanently from military service on March
24, 1778. He was made a pensioner December 7, 1795, and
died April 1, 1801, at Oxford, Massachusetts.

 204 Thomas Marshall was born at Boston, Massachusetts,
in 1718. He was a captain in the Ancient and Honorable
Artillery Company in 1763 and the four following years, and
was made major of a regiment in 1765, and lieutenant-colonel
in 1767. He was in command of the Tenth Massachusetts
Regiment at the time here spoken of by Digby, He died
at Weston, Massachusetts, November 18, 1800.

284                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

fly to their arms on all occasions, and particularly by
their caution not to be surprised, secure that victory,
which Almighty Providence (if they deserve it) will
bless their labour with."
  27th. We received the unwelcome news that a letter
from Gen Clinton to Gen Burgoyne (it was not an
answer to his of the 21st had fallen into the hands
of the enemy. On the express being taken he swallowed
a small silver bullet in which the letter was,
but being suspected, a severe tartar emetic was given
him which brought up the ball.205 We also heard
they were in possession of Skeensboro and had a
post both there and at Hubberton. We also received
accounts of their making an attack upon Ticonderoga
and taking prisoners part of the 53rd regiment; but
this was not properly authenticated. In the evening
our few remaining- Indians left us.
  28th. A large detachment was ordered out to forage
for the army, which was greatly wanting, as all our
grass was ate up and many horses dying for want.
We brought in some hay without any skirmish, which
we expected going out.
  29th. About day break our picquet was fired on from
the wood in front, but the damage was trifling. I
suppose seldom two armies remained looking at each
other so long without coming to action. A man of
205 It will be seen that Digby gives the version of this affair
which is consonant with the evidence relating to it, which
has been preserved. He says that the message taken was
from Clinton to Burgoyne, and not from Burgoyne to Clinton,
as stated by Fonblanque. Vide ante, note 26.

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             285

theirs in a mistake came into our camp in place of
his own, and being challenged by our sentry, after
recollecting himself, "I believe," says he, "I am
wrong and may as well stay where I am." That he
might be pretty certain of.

30th. We had reason to imagine they intended to
open a battery on our right; they also fired three
morning guns in place of two, which caused us to
expect a reinforcement, which was soon confirmed
by a deserter who came over to us. That evening
20 Indians joined us from Canada; our horses were
put on a smaller allowance
  October 2nd. Dispatches were received from
Brigadier General Powell, who commanded at Ticonderoga
with his account of their attempt on that
place, and being at length repulsed with loss they
retreated over the mountains.
  3rd. Dispatches from Ticonderoga were taken by
the enemy coming thro the woods directed by an
  4th. Our picquet was fired upon near day break,
but as our own posts were strong, and we all slept
with our clothes on; it was but little minded. Here
the army were put on a short allowance of provisions,
which shewed us the general was determined to wait
the arrival of general Clinton, (if possible), and to
this the troops submitted with the utmost cheerful-
  5th. A small party of our sailors were taken by the
enemy, also about 20 horses, that strayed near their

286                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

lines. The weather continued fair and dry since
26th September.

6th. I went out on a large forage for the army, and
took some hay near their camp. On our return we
heard a heavy fire and made all the haste possible
with the forage. It was occasioned by some of our
ranger's falling in with a party of theirs; our loss
was trifling. At night we fired a rocket from one of
our cannon at 12 o'clock, the reason I could never
hear for doing so. In general it is a signal between
two armies at a small distance, but that could not
have been our case. During the night there were
small alarms and frequent popping shots, fired by
sentrys from our different outposts.
  7th. Expresses were received from Ticonderoga,
but what the purport of them were I could never
learn. A detachment of 1500 regular troops with
two 12 pounders, two howitzers and six 6 pounders
were ordered to move on a secret expedition and to
be paraded at 10 o'clock, though I am told, Major
Williams206 (Artillery) objected much to the removal
of the heavy guns; saying, once a 12 pounder is
removed from the Park of artillery in America
 206 Griffith Williams became a gentleman cadet in 1744,
and was commissioned a lieutenant-fireworker, April 6, 1745.
March 1, 1755, he was advanced to the position of first
lieutenant; January 1, 1759, of captain-lieutenant, and February
12, 1760, of captain. He was promoted to a majority in the
army, February 17, 1776. In the battle of October seventh he
"kept a battery in action until the artillery horses were all
destroyed, and his men either killed or wounded; being
unable to get off their guns, he was surrounded and taken."

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             287

(meaning in the woods) it was gone. From some
delay, the detachment did not move till near one
o'clock, and moved from the right of our camp; soon
after which, we gained an eminence within half a
mile of their camp, where the troops took post; but
they were sufficiently prepared for us, as a deserter
from our Artillery went over to them that morning
and informed them of our design. This I have since
heard, and it has often surprised me how the fellow
could be so very exact in his intelligence, as were I
taken prisoner, I could not (had I ever so great
a desire) have informed them so circumstantially.
About 3 o'clock, our heavy guns began to play,
but the wood around being thick, and their exact
knowledge of our small force, caused them to
advance in great numbers, pouring in a superiority of
fire from Detachments ordered to hang upon our
flanks, which they tried if possible to turn. We
could not receive a reinforcement as our works.
General Hospital Stores, provisions &c would be left
defenceless, on which an order was given for us to
retreat, but not before we lost many brave men.
Brigadier General Frazier was mortally wounded
which helped to turn the fate of the day. When
He was subsequently exchanged, and became a major in the
artillery, March 21, 1780; lieutenant-colonel, January 9, 1782,
and colonel of the Second Battalion, December 1, 1783. He
commanded a battery at the siege of Gibraltar, and upon
his return, was in command at Woolwich, where he died
March 18, 1790, after a service of nearly half a century.
Vide Kane's Artillery List and British Army Lists, in loco;
History of the Royal Artillery (Duncan), vol. I, pp. 288, 315.

288                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

General Burgoyne saw him fall, he seemed then to
feel in the highest degree our disagreeable situation.
He was the only person we could carry off with us.
Our cannon were surrounded and taken - the men
and horses being all killed - which gave them
additional spirits, and they rushed on with loud shouts,
when we drove them back a little way with so great
loss to ourselves, that it evidently appeared a retreat
was the only thing left for us. They still advanced
upon our works under a severe fire of grape shot,
which in some measure stopped them, by the great
execution we saw made among their columns; during
which, another body of the enemy stormed the Ger-
man lines after meeting with a most shameful
resistance, and took possession of all their camp and
equipage, baggage &c &c Coll Bremen fell nobly at
the head of the Foreigners, and by his death blotted
out part of the stain his countrymen so justly merited
from that days behaviour.207 On our retreating,
 207 From a careful study of the action of the German soldiers
in this and other battles of the campaign of '77 there
seems to be no sufficient ground for this statement. The
German soldiers on all occasions fought bravely and with
astonishing persistence, when it is considered how little they
were interested in the success or failure of the cause for
which they were imperiling their lives. In this case they
were posted to defend the British right flank behind a breast-
work of rails extending about two hundred yards across a
field. The rails were piled horizontally and supported by
pickets driven into the ground. The space between this
breastwork and the great redoubt was occupied by the
Canadian loyalists, who thus protected the German left flank.
While Arnold was making his furious attack on the great

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             289

which was pretty regular, considering how hard we
were pressed by the enemy, General Burgoyne
appeared greatly agitated as the danger to which the
lines were exposed was of the most serious nature at
that particular period. I should be sorry from my
expression of agitated, that the reader should imagine
the fears of personal danger was the smallest cause
of it. He must be more than man, who could undisturbed
look on and preserve his natural calmness,
when the fate of so many were at stake, and entirely
depended on the orders he was to issue. He said but
little, well knowing we could defend the lines or fall
in the attempt. Darkness interposed, (I believe
fortunately for us) which put an end to the action.
redoubt, a large portion of these Canadians were absent
from their post, some aiding in the defense of the great
redoubt, and at this critical moment Learned appeared with
his brigade and drove those who remained from their position,
leaving the German left flank wholly exposed. It was
then that Arnold came upon the scene from his attack on
the great redoubt, and taking in the situation at a glance,
seized Learned's brigade, and rushing through the open
space in the British lines left by the retreat of the Canadians,
fell upon the unprotected left flank and rear of the Germans
with a fury which forced them to retreat, leaving their
general dead on the field. This left the key of the position in
the hands of the Americans. Undoubtedly this was disastrous
to Burgoyne; but that the Germans acted cowardly in
the matter, we have no evidence to prove. On the other
hand, we have the concurrent testimony of English officers
that they were brave men, although in this case they have
been criticised by several writers, we think, without a full
knowledge of all the facts. The courage of the men engaged
in this campaign - English, Germans or Americans - cannot
be justly impugned.

290                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

General Frazier was yet living, but not the least
hopes of him. He that night asked if Genl
Burgoynes army were not all cut to pieces, and being
informed to the contrary, appeared for a moment
pleased, but spoke no more. Capt° Wight (53 Grenadiers),
my captain, was shot in the bowels early in
the action. In him I lost a sincere friend. He lay
in that situation between the two fires, and I have
been since informed lived till the next day and
was brought into their camp. Major Ackland was
wounded and taken prisoner with our Quarter master
General,208 and Major Williams of the Artillery. Sir
 208 John Money was a native of Norwich, England, and
was commissioned an ensign in the Norfolk militia in 1760,
at which date he was twenty years of age. The next year
he took part in the battle of Felinghausen as a volunteer,
and March 11, 1762, was made a cornet in the Sixth
Dragoons; February 10, 1770, he was commissioned a
captain in the Ninth Foot, He participated in the campaign
of '76, and on July seventeenth of that year was made deputy
quartermaster-general. Digby rightly speaks of him as quartermaster-
general, as at this time he was acting as such. During
this and the previous campaign, he distinguished himself
on several occasions. Having been exchanged, he served
on the staff of General Cornwallis, and on November 17,
1780, was promoted to a majority in the army, and September
28, 1781, took this position in the Ninth Foot. He was
further promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the
army, November 18, 1790, colonel, August 21, 1795, major-
general, June 18, 1798, lieutenant-general, October 30, 1805,
and general, June 4, 1814. During this time he was on half
pay as a major of the Ninety-first Foot, and was the author
of several works of a military character. He died on his
estate, called Crown Point, near Norwich, on March 26,
1817. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; The Georgian Era,

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             291

Francis Clerk fell, Aid de camp to the general,209
with other principal officers. Our Grenadier Company
out of 20 men going out, left their Captain and
16 men on the field. Some here did not scruple to
say, General Burgoyne's manner of acting verified the
rash stroke hinted at by General Gates in his orders
of the 26th (see page 281) but that was a harsh and
severe insinuation, as I have since heard his intended
design was to take post on a rising ground, on the
left of their camp, - the 7th - with the detachment,
thinking they would not have acted on the offensive,
but stood to their works, and on that night our
main body was to move, so as to be prepared to
storm their lines by day break of the 8th and it
appears by accounts since, that Gen Gates would
have acted on the defensive, only for the advice of
Brigadier General Arnold, who assured him from his
knowledge of the troops, a vigorous sally would
inspire them with more courage than waiting behind
their works for our attack, and also their knowledge
of the woods would contribute to ensure the plan he
proposed. During the night we were employed in
moving our cannon Baggage &c nearer to the river.
It was done with silence, and fires were kept lighted
to cause them not to suspect we had retired from
vol. 2, p. 97; Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books, pp. xlvii,
xlix, 90, 225; Journal of Occurrences During the Late
American War, pp. 142, 176; Remembrancer of Public Events,
vol. II, p. 28.

 209 Vide ante, note 126.

292                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

our works where it was impossible for us to remain,
as the German lines commanded them, and were
then in possession of the enemy, who were bringing
up cannon to bear on ours at day break. It may
easily be supposed we had no thought for sleep, and
some time before day we retreated nearer to the
river. Our design of retreating to Ticonderoga then
became public.

8th Took post in a battery which commanded the
country around, and the rest of the army surrounding
the battery and under cover of our heavy cannon.
About 8 in the morning we perceived the enemy
marching from their camp in great numbers, blackening
the fields with their dark clothing. From the
height of the work and by the help of our glasses,
we could distinguish them quite plain. They brought
some pieces of cannon and attempted to throw up a
work for them, but our guns soon demolished what
they had executed. Our design was to amuse them
during the day with our cannon, which kept them at
a proper distance, and at night to make our retreat,
but they soon guessed our intentions, and sent a
large body of troops in our rear to push for the
possession of the heights of Fort Edward. During the
day it was entertaining enough, as I had no idea of
artillery being so well served as ours was. Sometimes
we could see a 12 pounder take place in the centre
of their columns, and shells burst among them,
thrown from our howitzers with the greatest judgment.
Most of their shot were directed at our bridge


Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             293

of boats, as no doubt they imagined we intended to
retreat that way; but their guns were badly served.
About 11 o'clock general Frazier died, and desired
he might be buried in that battery at evening gun
fireing. So fell the best officer under Burgoyne, who
from his earliest years was bred in camps, and from
the many engagements he had been in, attained a
degree of coolness and steadiness of mind in the
hour of danger, that alone distinguishes the truly
brave man. At 12 o clock some of their balls fell
very near our hospital tents, pitched in the plain, and
from their size, supposed to attract their notice,
taking them perhaps for the general's quarters, on which
we were obliged to move them out of the range of
fire, which was a most shocking scene, - some poor
wretches dying in the attempt, being so very severely
wounded. At sun set general Frazier was buried
according to his desire, and general Burgoyne attended
the service, which was performed I think in the most
solemn manner I ever before saw; perhaps the scene
around, big with the fate of many, caused it to
appear more so, with their fireing particularly at our
battery, during the time of its continuance.210 About
11 at night, the army began their retreat, General
Reidisel commanding the Van guard, and Major
 210 We have several accounts of this sad scene. Madame
Riedesel is especially graphic in her delineation of it, and,
as her memoirs are not accessible to most readers, we may be
permitted to copy from them: "I had just sat down with my
husband at his quarters to breakfast. General Frazier and,
I believe, General Burgoyne were to have dined with me on

294                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

General Phillips the rear, and this retreat, though
within musket shot of the enemy and encumbered
with all the baggage of the army, was made without
loss. Our battallion was left to cover the retreat of
the whole, which from numberless impediments did

that same day. I observed considerable movement among
the troops. My husband thereupon informed me, that there
was to be a reconnoissance, which, however, did not surprise
me, as this often happened. On my way homeward, I met
many savages in their war dress, armed with guns. To my
question where they were going, they cried out to me, ' War !
War!' which meant that they were going to fight. This
completely overwhelmed me, and I had scarcely got back to
my quarters, when I heard skirmishing, and firing, which by
degrees, became constantly heavier, until, finally, the noises
became frightful. It was a terrible cannonade, and I was
more dead than alive. About three o'clock in the afternoon
in place of the guests who were to have dined with me, they
brought into me upon a litter poor General Frazier (one of
my expected guests), mortally wounded. Our dining table,
which was already spread, was taken away and in its place
they fixed up a bed for the general. I sat in the corner of
the room trembling and quaking. The noises grew
continually louder. The thought that they might bring in my
husband in the same manner was to me dreadful and
tormented me incessantly. The general said to the surgeon,
'Do not conceal anything from me. Must I die?' The
ball had gone through his bowels, precisely as in the case of
Major Harnage. Unfortunately, however the general had
eaten a hearty breakfast, by reason of which the intestines
were distended, and the ball, so the surgeon said, had not
gone, as in the case of Major Harnage, between the
intestines but through them. I heard him often amidst his
groans, exclaim 'Oh, fatal ambition! Poor General
Burgoyne! My poor wife'! Prayers were read to him. He
then sent a message to General Burgoyne, begging that he
would have him buried the following day at six o'clock in
the evening, on the top of a hill which was a sort of a

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             295

not move until near 4 o'clock in the morning of the
9th and were then much delayed in breaking up the
bridges in our rear. This was the second time of
their being destroyed that season - the first by the
enemy to prevent our pursueing them. What a great

redoubt. I knew no longer which way to turn. The whole
entry and the other rooms were filled with the sick, who
were suffering with the camp sickness, a kind of dysentery.
Finally, toward evening, I saw my husband coming, upon
which I forgot all my sufferings, and thanked God that he
had spared him to me. He ate in great haste with me and
his adjutant behind the house. We had been told that we
had gained an advantage over the enemy, but the sorrowful
and downcast faces which I beheld, bore witness to the
contrary, and before my husband again went away, he drew me
one side, and told me that every thing might go very badly,
and that I must keep myself in constant readiness for
departure; but by no means to give any one the least inkling
of what I was doing. I therefore pretended that I wished
to move into my new house the next morning, and had
every thing packed up. My Lady Ackland occupied a tent
not far from our house. In this she slept, but during the
day was in the camp. Suddenly one came to tell her that
her husband was mortally wounded, and had been taken
prisoner. At this she became very wretched. We com-
forted her by saying that it was only a slight wound, but as
no one could nurse him as well as herself, we counseled her
to go at once to him, to do which she could certainly obtain
permission, She was the loveliest of women. I spent
the night in this manner - at one time comforting her and
at another looking after my children whom I had put to bed.
As for myself, I could not go to sleep, as I had General
Frazier and all the other gentlemen in my room, and was
constantly afraid that my children would wake up and cry, and
thus disturb the poor dying man, who often sent to beg my
pardon for making me so much trouble. About three o'clock
in the morning, they told me that he could not last much
longer. I had desired to be apprised of the approach of this

296                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

alteration in affairs ! Our hospitals full of sick and
wounded were left behind, with a letter from general
Burgoyne to general Gates, in which he tells him he
makes no doubt of his care to the sick and wounded,
conscious of his acting in the same manner himself

moment. I accordingly wrapped up the children in the bed
coverings and went with them into the entry. Early in the
morning, at eight o'clock, he expired. After they had washed
the corpse they wrapped it in a sheet and laid it on a bed-
stead. We then again came into the room, and had this sad
sight before us the whole day. At every instant, also,
wounded officers of my acquaintance arrived, and the
cannonade again began. A retreat was spoken of but there was
not the least movement made toward it. About four o'clock
in the afternoon, I saw the new house which had been built
for me in flames : the enemy, therefore, were not far from us.
We learned that General Burgoyne intended to fulfill the
last wish of General Frazier, and to have him buried at six
o'clock, in the place designated by him. This occasioned an
unnecessary delay, to which a part of the misfortunes of the
army was owing. Precisely at six o'clock the corpse was
brought out, and we saw the entire body of generals with
their retinues on the hill assisting at the obsequies. The
English chaplain, Mr. Brudenel, performed the funeral ser-
vices. The cannon balls flew continually around and over
the party. The American general. Gates, said that if he had
known that it was a burial he would not have allowed any
firing in that direction. Many cannon balls also flew not far
from me, but I had my eyes fixed upon the hill, where I
distinctly saw my husband in the midst of the enemy's fire, and
therefore I could not think of my own danger. The order
had gone forth that the army should break up after the
burial, and the horses were already harnessed to our calashes.
I did not wish to set out before the troops. The wounded
Major Harnage, although he was so ill, dragged himself out
of bed, that he might not remain in the hospital, which was
left behind protected by a flag of truce. As soon as he
observed me in the midst of danger, he had my children

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             297

had the fortune of war placed it in his reach. During
our march, it surprised us their not placing troops on
the heights we were obliged to pass under, as by so
doing, we must have suffered much. We came up
with the general and the line about 9 in the morning
at Davagot,21 seven miles from the enemy. It then
began to rain very hard and continued so all day.
We halted till near 3 in the evening, which surprised
many; about which time, a large body of the enemy
were perceived on the other side the river, and sup-
posed to be on their way to Fort Edward in order to
obstruct our crossing at that place, on which we were
immediately ordered to march after burning all unnec-
and maid servants put into the calashes, and intimated to
me that I must immediately depart. As I still begged to be
allowed to remain, he said to me, 'Well then your children
at least must go, that I may save them from the slightest
danger,' He understood how to take advantage of my weak
side. I gave it up, seated myself inside with them, and we
drove off with them at eight o'clock in the evening. The
greatest silence had been enjoined, fires had been kindled in
every direction: and many tents left standing, to make the
enemy believe that the camp was still there. We traveled
continually the whole night. Little Frederica was afraid
and would often begin to cry. I was, therefore, obliged to
hold a pocket handkerchief over her mouth, lest our where-
abouts should be discovered. At six o'clock in the morning
a halt was made, at which every one wondered. General
Burgoyne had all the cannon ranged and counted, which
worried all of us, as a few more good marches would have
placed us in security." Vide Letters and Journals of Madame
Riedesel, pp. 1 16-123.

211 This place is now called Coveville. The old name is
said to have been derived from dovecote, on account, per-
haps, of having been a haunt for wild pigeons.


298                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

essary baggage, camp equipage and many wagons
and carts, which much delayed our line of march.
Here Lady Harriot Ackland was prevailed to go to
the enemy, or I might rather say, it was her wish to
do so, her husband, the major, being a prisoner.
She was conducted to general Gates by a chaplain,212
and received, I am informed, by him with the greatest
politeness possible; indeed he must have been a
brute to have acted otherwise.213 We waded the Fish
 212 Rev. Edward Brudenel was the chaplain to the artillery,
and is the person to whom Fonblanque erroneously
marries Lady Acland after the major's death. His bravery
was marked at this terrible funeral by his " steady attitude
and his unaltered voice, though frequently covered with dust
which the shot threw up on all sides of him." He
subsequently became the rector of a parish in Lincolnshire, and
died in London, June 25, 1805. Vide note to Hadden's
Journal, p. 106.

 213 The account of the manner in which Lady Acland
received the news of her husband's dangerous condition,
namely, that he was mortally wounded and a prisoner in
the enemy's hands is related by the Baroness Riedesel and
quoted in note 210. She resolved to go to him, and applied
to Burgoyne for permission, who says: "Though I was ready
to believe that patience and fortitude in a supreme degree
were to be found, as well as every other virtue, under the
most tender forms, I was astonished at this proposal. After
so long an agitation of spirits, exhausted not only for want
of rest, but absolutely want of food, drenched in rains for
twelve hours together, that a woman should be capable of
such an undertaking as delivering herself to an enemy
probably in the night, and uncertain of what hands she might
fall into, appeared an effort above human nature. The
assistance I was enabled to give was small indeed. I had
not even a cup of wine to offer her; but was told she had
found, from some kind and fortunate hand, a little rum and
dirty water. All I could furnish to her was an open boat

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             299

Kiln near Schylers house, about 8 o'clock that night,
- the enemy having destroyed the Bridge some days
and a few lines, written upon dirty and wet paper, to General
Gates, recommending her to his protection. In this
open boat, accompanied by Chaplain Brudenel, her maid
and husband's body servant, who was wounded, at night-fall
and in the midst of an icy storm, she set out on her dangerous
undertaking. It was ten o'clock when they reached the
outpost, and Lady Acland hailed it herself Major Dearborn
was in command, and the party were conducted to his
quarters, - a log cabin on the shore of the lake. Here they
were detained until sunrise, but Lady Acland's mind was
partially relieved from anxiety by the announcement that
her husband was not in danger from his wounds." Wilkinson
says: "I visited the guard before sunrise, her boat had
put off and was floating down the stream to our camp, where
General Gates, whose gallantry will not be denied, stood
ready to receive her with all the tenderness and respect
to which her rank and condition gave her a claim; indeed
the feminine figure, the benign aspect, and polished manners
of this charming woman, were alone sufficient to attract the
sympathy of the most obdurate; but if another motive could
have been wanting to inspire respect, it was furnished by the
peculiar circumstances of Lady Harriet, then in that most
delicate situation, which cannot fail to interest the solicitudes
of every being possessing the form and feelings of a
man." Lady Acland is always spoken of as a woman of
charming refinement. General Gates, in a letter to his wife,
said: "She is the most amiable, delicate piece of quality
you ever beheld.'' She was greatly beloved in the army for
her kind attentions to the sick and wounded, often denying
herself such little comforts as came to her in order to bestow
them upon the suffering. A widow for thirty seven years,
she died, July 21, 18 1 5. Vide Memoirs of My Own Times,
vol. I, pp. 284, 377; Journal of Occurrences During the Late
American War, pp. 185-189; Historical Magazine, vol. 4,
p. 9; Political and Military Episodes, pp. 297-302; Memoirs
of Madame Riedesel, p. 120; Campaign of General John
Burgoyne (Stone), Appendix 7.

300                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

before - and took post soon after on the heights of
Saratoga, where we remained all night under constant
heavy rain, without fires or any kind of shelter to
guard us from the inclemency of the weather. It was
impossible to sleep, even had we an inclination to do
so, from the cold and rain, and our only entertainment
was the report of some popping shots heard
now and then from the other side the great river at
our Battows.214

10th. Preparations were made early in the morning
to push for the heights of Fort Edward, and a detachment
of artificers we sent under a strong escort
to repair the bridges and open the road to that place.
The 47th regiment, Captain Frazier's marksmen and
MacKay's provincials215 were ordered for that service;
 214 Madame Riedesel gives an interesting account of the
distressing condition of affairs at this period in Burgoyne's
army. Vide Her Letters and Journal, pp. 124-134.

 215 Samuel McKay was an ensign in the Sixty-second Foot,
December 30, 1755, and was promoted to the rank of lieu-
tenant, December 6, 1756, at which time he was in America.
He served through the French war, and at its conclusion, in
1763, retired upon half pay. He was in command of a body
of Canadian volunteers at Fort St. John when it was captured
by Montgomery in September, 1775, and was made a prisoner.
He was sent to Hartford, and while there on parole,
attempted to escape, but was recaptured and roughly handled
by his captors. He was confined in jail, it was thought,
securely, but succeeded in making his escape; and making
his way to Canada, raised a company of volunteers, with
which he joined St. Leger's expedition. He went safely
through the campaign of '77 and died in the summer of
1779. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; American Archives,
4th Series, vol. 4, p. 248; 5 Ibid., vol. 5, p. 452; Ibid., vol.
6, pp. 563> 574, 601, 633; 5th Series, vol. I, p. 133.

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             301

but about 11 o clock, Intelligence was received that
the enemy were surrounding us, on which it was
resolved to maintain our post, and expresses were sent
to recall the 47th regiment &c. We burned Schyler's
house to prevent a lodgement being formed behind
it,216 and almost all our remaining baggage, rather
 216 Digby doubtless gives the correct version of this affair.
Burgoyne was charged with having destroyed property
unnecessarily, but denied it in Parliament in the following
words: "I am ignorant of any such circumstance; I do not
recollect more than one accident by fire. I positively assert
there was no fire by order or countenance of myself, or any
other officer except at Saratoga. That district is the property
of Major General Schuyler of the American troops;
there were large barracks built by him, which took fire the
day after the army arrived upon the ground in their retreat,
and I believe I need not state any other proof of that matter
being merely accident, than that the barracks were then
made use of as my hospital, and full of sick and wounded
soldiers. General Schuyler had likewise a very good dwelling
house, exceeding large storehouses, great saw mills and
other out buildings, to the value altogether of perhaps ten
thousand pounds; a few days before the negotiations with
General Gates, the enemy had formed a plan to attack me;
a large column of troops were approaching to pass the small
river, preparatory to a general action, and were entirely
covered from the fire of my artillery by these buildings.
Sir, I know that I gave the order to set them on fire; and in
a very short time that whole property I have described, was
consumed. But to shew that the person most deeply
concerned in that calamity, did not put the construction upon
it which it has pleased the honourable gentleman to do, I
must inform the house, that one of the first persons I saw,
after the convention was signed was General Schuyler. I
expressed to him my regret at the event which had happened,
and the reasons which had occasioned it. He desired
me to think no more of it; said that the occasion justified
it, according to the principles and rules of war, and he should

302                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

than it should fall into their hands. Here again
the discontented part of the army were of opinion
that our retreat was not conducted so well as it
might have been, and that in place of burning our
bridge of boats over the Hudson, which we left on
fire on our retreating the night of the 8th from
whence it was evident to the enemy which side of
the river we intended to keep on, and would oblige
us to ford the Hudson opposite to where they had
a force; consequently would be attended with a
disadvantage. We should have crossed our bridge
on the night of the 8th to gain the Fort Edward
side of the river, and would have nothing to delay
our march - we moving so many hours before they
were apprized of our motions. They also declared
our halting so long at Davagot, the 9th within 7
miles of the enemy, was the cause of our being
surrounded, as even then we had time to have pushed
on, and the day being so constant rain was in our
favour, as had we attempted to ford the river at
Saratoga, the small arms of the enemy, as well as
ours must have been so wet, that but few would go
off, and they knew our superiority at the bayonet.
They also said that even the 10th by spiking our
cannon and destroying all our baggage &c a paltry
consideration in comparison, in our circumstances - we
might have made our retreat good to Fort George,
have done the same upon the same occasion, or words to
that effect." Vide Speech of General Burgoyne on a Motion
of Inquiry made by Mr. Vyner in Parliament, May 26, 1778.

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             303

saving the troops and Musquetry: but even then it
was not certain that vessels were prepared to convey
us over the lake; in which case it would have been a
worse post than Saratoga for the army. These were
the opinions of unsatisfied and discontented men,
who never approved of anything that turned out
contrary to their expectations. Had Burgoyne been
fortunate, they would not have dared to declare
them; as he was unsuccessful, they set him down
guilty. However, all thoughts of a retreat were
then given over, and a determination [made] to fall
nobly together, rather than disgrace the name of
British troops; on which we immediately changed
our ground a little, and under the protection of that
night, began to entrench ourselves, all hands being
ordered to work. We were called together and
desired to tell our men that their own safety, as well
as ours, depended on their making a vigorous
defence; but that I was sure was an unnecessary
caution, - well knowing they would never forfeit the
title of Soldiers. As for the Germans, we had but a
poor opinion of their spirit since the night of the 7th
Certain our situation was not the most pleasing; but
we were to make the best of it, and I had long
before accustomed and familiarized my mind to bear
with patience any change that might happen. The
men worked without ceasing during the night, and
without the least complaining of fatigue, our cannon
were drawn up to the embrasures and pointed ready
to receive them at day break.

304                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

11th. Their cannon and ours began to play on each
other. They took many of our Battows on the
river, as our cannon could not protect them. We
were obliged to bring our oxen and horses into our
lines, where they had the wretched prospect of living
but a few days, as our grass was all gone, and
nothing after but the leaves of the trees for them;
still they continued fireing into us from Batteries
they had erected during the night, and placed their
riflemen in the tops of trees; but still did not
venture to storm our works. At night we strengthened
our works and threw up more.

12th. Our cattle began to die fast and the stench
was very prejudicial in so small a space. A cannon
shot was near taking the general, as it lodged quite
close to him in a large oak tree. We now began to
perceive their design by keeping at such a distance,
which was to starve us out. I believe the generals
greatest wish, as indeed it ought to be, was for them
to attack us, but they acted with much greater
prudence, well knowing what a great slaughter we must
have made among them : they also knew exactly
the state of our provisions, which was [sufficient for]
but 4 or 5 days more, and that upon short allowance.
In the evening, many of our Canadian drivers of
wagons, carts and other like services, found means
to escape from us. At night, I ventured to take a
little sleep which had long been a stranger to me,
and tho but a short time could be spared between
our watches, yet [I] found myself much refreshed.

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             305

We were all in pretty good health, though lying in
wet trenches newly dug must be very prejudicial to
the constitution, and tho it might not affect it for the
time, yet rheumatism afterwards would be the
certain consequence.
  13th. Their cannon racked our post very much; the
bulk of their army was hourly reinforced by militia
flocking in to them from all parts, and their situation,
which nearly surrounded us, was from the
nature of the ground unattackable in all parts; and
since the 7th the men lay constantly upon their
arms, - Harassed and fatigued beyond measure, from
their great want of rest. All night we threw up
Traverse217 to our works, as our lines were enfiladed
or flanked by their cannon.
  14th A council of war was called, and a flag of truce
sent to the enemy by Major Kingston,218 and the
 217 A traverse, in military parlance, is a breastwork thrown
up to protect a line of works against an enfilading or reverse
 218 Robert Kingston was commissioned an ensign in the
Eleventh Foot, September 3, 1756, and a lieutenant, January
26, 1758. August 8, 1759, he exchanged into Burgoyne's
regiment, the Sixteenth Light Dragoons, and
served in the Portugal campaign, in which Burgoyne achieved
renown. For his meritorious services he was advanced to
the grade of captain, April 27, 1761; was made major, July
15, 1768, and served with his regiment until 1774, when he
went on half pay until April 17, 1776. He accompanied
Burgoyne on his return to America in the spring of 1777, as
deputy adjutant-general, and August 29, 1777, became a
lieutenant-colonel in the army, and after the death of Sir
Francis Gierke took that lamented officer's position of sec-

306                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

following message delivered by him to Gen Gates
from Gen Burgoyne. "I am directed to represent

retary to General Burgoyne. He it was who conducted the
negotiations leading to the surrender. On approaching the
advanced post between the armies he was met by Wilkinson,
the adjutant of Gates, and conducted blindfolded to the tent
of the American general. Wilkinson says that at this time
"he appeared to be about forty; he was a well-formed,
ruddy, handsome man, and expatiated with taste and
eloquence on the beautiful scenery of the Hudson's river and
the charms of the season. When I introduced him into
General Gates' tent and named him, the gentlemen saluted
each other familiarly with 'General Gates, your servant;'
and Kingston, 'how do you do?' and a shake of the hand."
Having read to Gates this communication from Burgoyne,
Wilkinson says: "To my utter astonishment, General Gates
put his hand to his side pocket, pulled out a paper, and
presented it to Kingston, observing: 'There, sir, are the terms
on which General Burgoyne must surrender.' The major
appeared thunderstruck, but read the paper, whilst the old
chief surveyed him attentively through his spectacles." We
are informed that he at first declined to take back to
Burgoyne the terms of Gates, but finally thought better of it
and consented to do so upon the cogent reason given by
Gates, "that as he had brought the message he ought to take
back the answer." Kingston was commissioned lieutenant-
colonel of the Eighty-sixth Foot, September 30, 1779 ! was
subsequently appointed lieutenant-governor of Demarara,
and was in command when that island was surrendered to
the French, February 3, 1782. He was promoted to a
colonelcy in the army on the twentieth of the following
November, and served for seven years as a commissioner on
the claims of loyalists in the American war. He was made
a major-general, October 12, 1793, but his name does not
appear on the list of the following year. Vide British Army
Lists, in loco; Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. I, pp. 299-
313; The Remembrancer of Public Events, vol. 14, p. 333;
The Loyalists of America and their Times (Ryerson), Toronto,
1880, vol. 2, pp. 166-182.

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             307

to you from Gen Burgoyne, that after having fought
you twice, he has waited some days in his present
situation determined to try a third conflict against
any force you could bring to attack him; he is
apprized of the superiority of your numbers, and the
disposition of your troops to impede his supplies
and render his retreat a scene of carnage on both
sides. In this situation he is impelled by humanity
and thinks himself justified by established principles
and precedent of state and of war, to spare the lives
of brave men upon honourable terms. Should Major
General Gates be inclined to treat upon that idea,
Gen Burgoyne would propose a cessation of arms
during the time necessary to communicate the
preliminary terms, by which in any extremity he and his
army mean to abide." It was then generally believed
by their not attacking us, and our speedy want of
provisions, that terms were the only resource left us.
What could be thought of else in our truly distressed
situation? They, of course, would not risque an action
in such circumstances, which was the only hope left
us, as by their declining it, we must in consequence,
fall a prey to want and hunger which then stared us
fully in the face. On the return of the flag. Gen
Gates sent in the following propositions, to which I
shall insert Gen Burgoynes replys and those which
it was impossible for us to accept, were our situation
ever so desperate, are in my opinion most spiritedly
answered by General Burgoyne.

308                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

General Gates' Propositions.

1. "Gen Burgoyne's army being exceedingly
reduced by repeated defeats, by desertion, sickness &c.
&c. their provisions exhausted, their military stores
tents and baggage taken or destroyed, their retreat
cut off and their camp invested, they can only be
allowed to surrender prisoners of war."

Reply, "Lieut General Burgoyne's, army however
reduced, will never admit that their retreat is cut off,
while they have arms in their hands."

2. "The officers and soldiers may keep their baggage
belonging to them, the Generals of the United
States, never permit individuals to be pillaged"

3. "The troops under his excellency Gen Burgoyne
will be conducted by the most convenient
route to New England, marching by easy marches
and sufficiently provided for by the way."

4. "The officers will be admitted on parole, may
wear their side arms, and will be treated with the
liberality customary in Europe, so long as they, by
proper behaviour continue to deserve it; but those
who are apprehended having broke their parole (as
some British officers have done) must expect to be
close confined" -

Reply, "There being no officers in this army under
or capable of being under, the description of
breaking parole, this article needs no answer."

5. "All public stores. Artillery, Arms, amunition,
carriages horses &c must be delivered to
commissaries appointed to receive them."

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             309

Reply "All public stores may be delivered, arms

6. "These terms being agreed to and signed, the
troops under his excellency Gen Burgoyne's
command may be drawn up in their encampment, when
they will be ordered to ground their arms and may
thereupon be marched to the river side to be passed
over on their way towards Bennington"

Reply "This article inadmissible in any extremity.
Sooner than this army will consent to ground their
arms in their encampment, they will rush on the
enemy determined to take no quarter"

        Signed J Burgoyne

7. "A cessation of arms to continue until sun set
to receive general Burgoynes answer"

        Signed- Horatio Gates

CAMP at SARATOGA. October 14th 1777.

   These propositions being laid before the council
of war consisting of all the field officers of the army
and captains commanding corps - for deaths had
reduced us so much - we deemed unhonourable
to be accepted. This gave the greatest satisfaction
possible to Gen Burgoyne, who wished, if possible,
to avoid any terms; still persisting [in] a faint glim-

31O                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

mering of hope, from either the arrival of Gen Clinton
or some other unforseen and providential manner,
of our being extricated from the many difficulties
that then surrounded us. At night another council
of war was called, and terms as high on our side sent,
supposing a medium would be struck.

15th. A cessation of arms was agreed upon till 2
o'clock at Noon, during which we walked out of our
lines into the plain by the river and between both
armies, when near the period of the cessation being
over, we stood to our works, more watchful of a surprise
than at any other time. Col. Sutherland219 near
 219 Nicholas Sutherland was commissioned an ensign in the
Sixty-second Foot, June 14, 1755, and was promoted to the
rank of lieutenant in the Seventy-seventh Foot, January
8, 1757, and of captain-lieutenant, September 15, 1758, at
which time his regiment was in America, He took part in
the siege, which resulted in the surrender of Fort Du
Quesne, and the next year was in an expedition against the
Cherokees, in which he was wounded. He became a captain,
December 31, 1761, and the next year took part in an
expedition against Martinico and Havana. He was on half
pay from 1763 till March 14, 1765, when he entered the
Twenty-first Foot, then about to embark for America, as
captain. He became major in this regiment by purchase,
February 21, 1772, and returned shortly after to England,
where the Twenty-first was stationed until the spring of
1776, when it was ordered again to America, and after
General Nesbit's death he was advanced, November 5, 1776,
to that officer's place of lieutenant-colonel. In the
negotiations for the surrender of Burgoyne, he was an important
figure, as will be seen from the following : The terms had been
practically arranged, October fifteenth, and Captain Craig, at
half-past ten o'clock, had written to Wilkinson, the aid-de-
camp of Gates, that they had received Burgoyne's approbation
and concurrence. Owing to the news of Clinton's

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             311

two returned with the flag, and brought accounts
that General Gates seemed almost willing to come
into our terms; but soon after a report circulated
that General Clinton was coming up the river, tho
at a great distance, which Burgoyne eagerly catched
at, and to make it stronger, Gates so easily complying
with our proposals confirmed it to him; on which
he expressed his desire to withdraw the treaty if
possible, but luckily for the army, he was overruled
advance, before alluded to, Burgoyne desired to break the
agreement, which only required the signatures of the party
to complete it. The next day Gates, finding that Burgoyne
was delaying to complete the agreement, finally gave him
two hours to decide in, at the expiration of which time
hostilities were to recommence. Says Wilkinson: "The two
hours had elapsed by a quarter, and an aid-de-camp from the
general had been with me to know how matters progressed.
Soon after I perceived Lieutenant-Colonel Sutherland opposite
to me and beckoned him to cross the creek; on approaching
me he observed: 'Well, our business will be knocked
in the head after all.' I enquired why? He said: 'The
officers had got the devil in their heads and could not agree.'
I replied gaily: 'I am sorry for it, as you will not only lose
your fusee* but your whole baggage' He expressed much
sorrow, but said he could not help it. At this moment I
recollected the letter Captain Craig had written me the night
before and taking it from my pocket I read it to the colonel,
who declared he had not been privy to it; and added, with
evident anxiety: 'Will you give me that letter? 'I
answered in the negative, and observed: 'I should hold it
as a testimony of the good faith of a British commander.'
He hastily replied: 'Spare me that letter, sir, and I pledge
you my honour I will return it in fifteen minutes.' I penetrated
the motive and willingly handed it to him; he sprang
off with it, and directing his course to the British camp, ran
* Which he had owned thirty-five years and had desired me to except from the surrendered arms and save for him as she was a favorite piece.

312                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

in opinion, as the report of Clinton was entirely
groundless, and we had then but two days provisions.
In the morning our money chest was distributed
among the army : still, the general delayed signing
the treaty and nothing was done; cannonading and
small arms commenced afresh, upon the report of
the treaty being broke up, but after many flags
passing and repassing, the terms were at last mutually
agreed to, and to be signed that evening by both
generals viz. -


  I. The troops under Lieutenant General Burgoyne
to march out of their camp with the honours of war,
as far as I could see him. In the meantime I received a
peremptory message from the general to break off the treaty
if the convention was not immediately ratified. I informed
him by the messenger that I was doing the best I could for
him and would see him in half an hour. Colonel Sutherland
was punctual to his promise and returned with Captain
Craig, who delivered me the convention signed by General
Burgoyne. I then returned to head-quarters, after eight
hours' absence, and presented to General Gates the important
document that made the British army conventional prisoners
to the United States." Lieutenant-Colonel Sutherland
returned to England on parole several months after the
surrender, and died there July 18, 1781. Vide British Army
Lists, in loco; Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. I, p. 316, et
seq; Historical Record of the Twenty-first Foot, p. 25, et
seq.; Burgoyne's Orderly Book, p. 17.

 220 This document was originally headed Articles of
Capitulation, but the word capitulation was objected to by
Burgoyne and convention substituted therefor, to save in some

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             313

and the Artillery out of the entrenchments to the
verge of the river, where the old fort stood, where
the arms and artillery are to be left - the arms to be
piled by word of command by their own officers.
  2. A free passage to be granted to the army under
Lieut Gen Burgoyne to Great Britain, on condition
measure his wounded pride. This occasioned a laugh among
some of his critics, as it was so much in accord with the acts
of those at this time in authority, who in all their doings
laid great stress upon preserving the national dignity. The
following, among many of a like strain, written after the
surrender, and printed in a London journal, well illustrates
the manner in which the opponents of the government viewed
the course of those who were managing the war:


            What though America doth pour
            Her millions to Britannia's store,
            (Quoth Granville) that won't do; for yet,
            Though it risk all and nothing get,
            Taxation is the etiquette.

            The tea destroy'd; the offer made,
            That all the loss should be repaid;
            North asks not justice, nor the debt,
            But he must have the etiquette.

            At Bunker's Hill the cause was tried;
            The earth with British blood was dy'd;
            Our army, though 'twas soundly beat
            (We hear) bore off the etiquette.

            The bond dissolv'd, the people rose;
            Their rulers from themselves they chose ,
            Their Congress then at nought was set;
            Its name was not the etiquette.

            Though 'twere to stop the tide of blood.
            Their titles must not be allow'd -
            (Not to the chiefs of armies met,)
            "One" Arnold was the etiquette.

            The Yankees at Long Island found
            That they were nearly run aground;
            Howe let them 'scape when so beset --
            He will explain that etiquette.


314                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

of not serving again in North America during the
present contest; and the port of Boston is assigned
for the entry of transports to receive the troops
whenever general How shall so order.
  3. Should any chartel take place by which the army
under Lieut Gen Burgoyne, or any part of it may be
exchanged, the foregoing article to be void, as far as
such exchange shall be made.
  4. The army under Lieut general Burgoyne to
march to Massachusets bay by the easiest, most
convenient and expeditious route, and to be quartered
in, near, or as convenient as possible to Boston,
            His aides-de-camp to Britain boast
            Of battles Yankee never lost;
            But they are won in the Gazette -
            That saves the nation's etiquette.

            Clinton, his injured honour saw;
            Swore he'd be tried by martial law,
            And kick Germaine whene'er they met;
            A riband saved that etiquette.

            Though records speak Germaine's disgrace,
            To quote them to him face to face,
            (The Commons now are si honnκte,)
            They voted not the etiquette.

            Of Saratoga's dreadful plain -
            An army ruin'd - why complain ?
            To pile their arms as they were let,
            Sure they came off with etiquette.

            Cries Burgoyne, 'They may be reliev'd;
            That army still may be retriev'd.
            To see the King, if I be let,'
            'No Sir! 'Tis not the etiquette.'

            God save the King ! and should he choose
            His people's confidence to lose,
            What matters it ? They'll not forget
            To serve him still through etiquette.

  Vide Journal of the Reign of George the Third (Walpole),
London, 1859, vol. 2, p. 275, et seq.

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             315

that the march of the troops may not be delayed,
when transports arrive to receive them.
  5. The troops to be supplied on their march and
during their being in quarters, with provisions by
general Gates' orders; at the same rate of rations as
the troops of his own army; and if possible, the
officer's horses and cattle to be supplied with forage
at the usual rate.
  6. All officers to retain their carriages, batt horses
and other cattle, and no baggage to be molested
or searched - Lieut General Burgoyne giving his
honour that there are no public stores secreted
therein : major general Gates will of course take the
necessary measures for the due performance of this
article, Should any carriages be wanted during the
march for the transportation of officer's baggage,
they are, if possible, to be supplied by the country
at the usual rates.
  7. Upon the march and during the time the army
shall remain in quarters in the Massachusets Bay,
the officers are not, as far as circumstances will admit,
to be separated from their men; the officers to be
quartered according to their rank, and are not to be
hindered from assembling their men for roll calling
and other necessary purposes of regularity.
  8. All corps whatever of General Burgoyne's army,
whether composed of sailor's, battow-men, artificers,
drivers, independent companies and followers of the
army of whatever country, shall be included in the
fullest sense and utmost extent of the above articles.

316                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

and comprehended in every respect as British subjects.
  9. All Canadians and persons belonging to the
Canadian establishment, consisting of sailors, battow
men, artificers, drivers, independent companies and
any other followers of the army, who come under no
particular description, are to be permitted to return
there; they are to be conducted immediately by the
shortest route to the first British post on. Lake George,
and are to be supplied with provisions in the same
manner as the other troops and are to be bound by
the same condition of not serving during the present
contest in North America.
  10. Passports to be immediately granted for three
officers not exceeding the rank of captains, who shall
be appointed by Lieut Gen Burgoyne to carry
dispatches to Sir Willm Howe, Sir Guy Carlton and to
Great Britain by the way of New York; and Major
Gen Gates engages the public faith that these
dispatches shall not be opened. These officers are to
set out immediately after receiving their dispatches,
and are to travel the shortest route and in the most
expeditious manner.
  11. During the stay of the troops in Massachusets
Bay, the officers are to be admitted on Parole, and
are to be permitted to wear their side arms.
  12. Should the army under Lieut General Burgoyne
find it necessary to send for their clothing and other
baggage to Canada, they are to be permitted to do

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             317

it in the most convenient manner, and the necessary
passports granted for that purpose.
  13. These articles are to be mutually signed and ex-
changed tomorrow morning at nine. of the clock, and
the troops under Lieut Gen. Burgoyne are to march
out of their entrenchments at 3 o'clock this afternoon.
  CAMP AT SARATOGA, 17th October 1777

   Signed--    Horatio Gates

Major General.
In place of marching from our encampment that
evening as expressed in the convention, it was
deferred till the next morning. In the mean time, we
made preparations for so long a march - about 200
miles - and the wet, rainy season just coming on. I
had not destroyed all my baggage, tho' indeed most
of it was gone at the general conflagration; but as
to the horses who outlived our late scene of every
imaginable distress, they exhibited a most wretched
picture of poverty and want, made up of nothing but
skin and bone, and it may naturally be supposed,
rather unfit for such a journey.

  17 A day famous in the annals of

Gen Burgoyne desired a meeting of all the officers
early that morning, at which he entered into a detail
 221 Verily, as Digby remarks, the seventeenth of October
was a day memorable in the annals of America; for the

318                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

of his manner of acting since he had the honour
of commanding the army; but he was too full to
speak; heaven only could tell his feelings at the
surrender of Burgoyne's army has been regarded by
historians from that day to this as the turning point in that
conflict which freed a people from thraldom to aristocracy
and made possible a true republic. Under date of December
2, 1777, Walpole says: "At night came an express from
General Carleton, informing that he had learnt by deserters,
and believed, that the Provincials had taken Burgoyne and
his whole army prisoners. The King fell into agonies on
hearing this account, but the next morning, at his levee to
disguise his concern, affected to laugh and to be so indecently
merry, that Lord North endeavoured to stop him;''
and under date of the fifteenth, thirteen days later, he records
the reception of the official account from the hands of Captain
Craig. Upon this a public fast was appointed, which
stirred up the wits all over the kingdom. As an example
Walpole gives us the following effusion upon the several
generals who conducted the war in America :

          "First General Gage commenced the war in vain;
           Next General Howe continued the campaign,
           Then General Burgoyne took the field, and last,
           Our forlorn hope depends on General Fast."

  Walpole also wrote, under date of February 27, 1778:
"The Fast was observed - a ridiculous solemnity, as the
nation was to beg a blessing on their arms, when the war
was at an end, or at least suspended for sixteen months
if the Americans pleased."
  The following was a
              "REFLECTION ON THE FAST."
                     Psalm xxvi, v. 6.
           "With cruel hearts and bloody hands,
            The Ministry were stain'd,
            A Fast was publish'd thro' these lands
            That they might all be clean'd.
            But, oh ! what blunders, time affords.
            Thro' want of grace and sense,
            They wash'd them in - a form of words
            Instead of Innocence."

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             319

time. He dwelled much on his orders to make the
wished for junction with General Clinton, and as to
how his proceedings had turned out, we must (he
said), be as good judges as himself. He then read
over the Articles of Convention, and informed us the
terms were even easier than we could have expected
from our situation, and concluded with assuring us,
he never would have accepted any terms, had we
provisions enough, or the least hopes of our extricating
ourselves any other way. About 10 o'clock, we
marched out, according to treaty, with drums beating
& the honours of war, but the drums seemed to
  The London Morning Post had the following :

               "OUR COMMANDERS
                   Nov. 2, '77.
      Gage nothing did and went to pot;
      Howe lost one town and other got;
      Guy nothing lost and nothing won,
      Dunmore was homeward forced to run,
      Clinton was beat, and got a garter.
      And bouncing Burgoyne catch'd a Tartar,
      Thus all we gain for millions spent
      Is to be laughed at, and repent."

  But the following reads almost like an American
production. It is entitled :

     What honours were gaining by taking their forts.
     Destroying batteaux and blocking up ports;
     Burgoyne would have worked them - but for a mishap.
     By Gates and one Arnold he's caught in a trap.
                                 Sing tantarara, etc.

     But Howe was more cautious and prudent by far.
     He sailed with his fleet up the great Delaware.
     All summer he struggled and strove to undo them
     But the plague of it was that he could not get to them."

  Vide Journal of the Reign of George the Third, vol. 2,
pp. 76, 170, 186, 214, et passim.

320                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

have lost their former inspiriting sounds, and though
we beat the Grenadiers march, which not long
before was so animating, yet then it seemed by its
last feeble effort, as if almost ashamed to be heard
on such an occasion. As to my own feelings, I can-
not express them. Tears (though unmanly) forced
their way, and if alone, I could have burst to give
myself vent. I never shall forget the appearance of
their troops on our marching past them; a dead
silence universally reigned through their numerous
columns, and even then, they seemed struck with our
situation and dare scarce lift up their eyes to view
British Troops in such a situation. I must say their
decent behaviour during the time, (to us so greatly
fallen) meritted the utmost approbation and praise.222
The meeting between Burgoyne and Gates was well
 222 Walpole sarcastically observes, while reflecting upon the
surrender and the word "dictated," as applied to its terms
by Burgoyne: "The terms were singularly gentle and the
Provincials, while the prisoners deposited their arms, kept
out of sight, not to insult their disgrace." The grief of the
British soldiers was as profound as the joy of the Americans.
Every rhymester in the land was ready to join in the chorus,
no matter how rough his voice might be, and many of the
strains sound strangely to modern ears. As an example, we
quote from a volume of the poems of Rev. Wheeler Case,
printed in 1778, and thought worthy of a reprint in 1852 :

            "The hero Gates appears in sight,
             His troops are clothed in armor bright;
             They all as one their banners spread,
             With Death or Victory on their head.

             "O horrid place! Oh dreadful gloom!
             I mourn for want of elbow room.
             My tawny soldiers from me fled,
             Have now returned to scalp my head."

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             321

worth seeing. He paid Burgoyne almost as much
respect as if he was the conqueror, indeed, his noble
air, tho prisoner, seemed to command attention and
respect from every person. A party of Light dragoons
were ordered as his guard, rather to protect his per-
son from insults than any other cause. Thus ended
all our hopes of victory, honour, glory &c &c &c
Thus was Burgoyne's Army sacrificed to either the
absurd opinions of a blundering ministerial power;
the stupid inaction of a general, who, from his
lethargic disposition, neglected every step he might
have taken to assist their operations,223 or lastly,
 223 The failure of General Howe to co-operate with
Burgoyne excited widespread astonishment and made him, as
well as his brother, the earl, very unpopular, as will be seen
from the following letter written from New York to England,
December 10, 1777: " If you was in this town you would
be surprised to find the Howes so unpopular; they have
been so here all this campaign. The total loss of General
Burgoyne's army can only be imputed to them. - To possess
the lakes and the North river, and by that means to separate
the northern and southern colony, seems to have been
the expectation of the King, Ministers, Parliament and
Nation. Had General Howe gone up the North River, instead
of acting to the southward that line of separation would
have been formed in July. General Burgoyne's army would
have been saved, and both armies, conjunctly or separately,
might have acted against New England, which would have
been striking at the heart of the rebellion. - General Howe,
in his retreat from the Jerseys, in his embarkation, in his
stay aboard the transports before he sailed, in his voyage to
the mouth of the Delaware, where he played at bopeep with
the rebels, and in his circumbendibus to Chesapeak Bay,
expended nearly three months of the finest time of the
campaign; and all this to go out of his way, to desert his real
business, and to leave Burgoyne with 6,000 regulars to fall a

322                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

perhaps, his own misconduct in penetrating so far,
as to be unable to return, and tho I must own my
sacrifice." On his return to England he was assailed on
every side and endeavored to meet his critics by a defense
in which he asserted that he had received no positive orders
to co-operate with Burgoyne. This, however, was not
deemed sufficient, but it is now known, that by the careless-
ness of Lord George Germaine, the minister of George the
Third, for American affairs, the orders intended for Howe
were not forwarded to him, as will be seen from the following,
taken from the Life of the Earl of Shelburne: "The inconsistent
orders given to Generals Howe and Burgoyne, could
not be accounted for except in a way which it must be difficult
for any person who is not conversant with the negligence
of office to comprehend. Among many singularities,
he had a particular aversion to being put out of his way on
any occasion; he had fixed to go into Kent or Northamptonshire
at a particular hour, and to call on his way at his office
to sign the despatches, all of which had been settled, to both
these Generals. By some mistake, those to General Howe
were not fair copied, and upon his growing impatient at it,
the office, which was a very idle one, promised to send it to
the country after him, while they dispatched the others to
General Burgoyne, expecting that the others could be expedited
before the packet sailed with the first, which, however,
by some mistake sailed without them, and the wind detained
the vessel which was ordered to carry the rest. Hence came
General Burgoyne's defeat, the French declaration and the
loss of thirteen colonies. It might appear incredible if our
own Secretary and the most respectable persons in office had
not assured me of the fact; what corroborates it is that it
could be accounted for in no other way. It requires as
much experience in business to comprehend the very trifling
causes which have produced the greatest events, as it does
strength of reason to develope the design." Vide A View
of the Evidence relating to the conduct of the American
War under Sir William Howe, Lord Viscount Howe and
General Burgoyne, London, 1779, p. 82, et seq.; Life of
William, Earl of Shelburne, vol. I, p. 358, et seq.

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             323

partiality to him is great, yet if he or the army
under his command are guilty, let them suffer to the
utmost extent, and by an unlimited punishment, in
part blot out and erase if possible, the crime charged
to their account.

No doubt the reader has seen general Burgoyne's
letter dated Albany 20th October 1777 to Lord
George Germain, in which he gives the fullest
account of the army under his command, being
reduced so much by repeated distresses and unsuccessful
attempts to enter into a convention with
Major General Gates commanding the Continental
army on the 17th October at Saratoga. He there
gives his reasons for acting on every occasion in the
most particular manner, which I hope, and sincerely
wish, will fully acquit him to the world of any
censure the misfortunes of his army might (as man-
kind in general are apt to condemn the unsuccessful)
throw on him. The reader may also, with the
greatest show of reason, imagine it a presumption
in me not to copy his journal for that time and
destroy my own, admitting of a comparison little in my
favour; but let him recollect my first design in put-
ting the above passages to paper, it was as expressed
in my preface, for the eye of a friend who, I flattered
myself, - for we are by nature vain, - would receive
as much satisfaction from the manner I have
expressed my thoughts and feelings at the different
times, of material changes and alterations in our
affairs, (and there has been many) as the bare recital


Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

of facts, which are so well known at present to the

Return of the Killed, wounded and prisoners of the
  British troops under the Command of his excellency
  Lieut. General Burgoyne in the course of the
  Campaign 1777 - (I have not attempted to correct
  errors in this table - J. P. B.)

             DURING THE CAMPAIGN 1777
            Royal regiment of Artillery.
  Killed, Captain Jones224 & 2d Lieut. Clieland.225
 224 Thomas Jones entered the Military Academy at Woolwich
as a cadet, March 18, 1755, and, on December twenty-

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             325

  Wounded. Captains Bloomfield,226 Green, 31st regt
- aid-de-camp, to Major Gen Phillips - Lieutenants
Howarth,227 Smith,228 Volunteer Sutton.229
seventh following, was commissioned lieutenant-fireworker;
second lieutenant in the Royal Artillery, April 2, 1757; first
lieutenant, January 1, 1759; captain-lieutenant, October 23,
1761, and captain, January 1, 1771. He participated in the
siege of Belleisle in 1761, and embarked for America in 1773.
When Arnold and Montgomery made their attack upon
Quebec, Captain Jones was active in opposing them, and
at the conclusion of the campaign of '76 returned with
Burgoyne to England, where he was married during the winter.
He returned in June of the next year, and was killed at the
battle of Freeman's Farm, September nineteenth. His
intrepidity and ability were frequently spoken of by writers
of the time. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; History
Royal Artillery, vol. I, pp. 229, 304, 135; A State of the
Expedition, p. 79, Appendix 49, and Hadden's Journal and
Orderly Books, pp. 50, 98, 109, 164, et passim.
 225 Molesworth Clieland received his commission of second
lieutenant in the First Battalion Royal Artillery on March
15, 1771. The artillery formed a most important part of
Burgoyne's army, and owing to its extent and the splendor
of its equipment, caused much criticism among his enemies,
who claimed that it was disproportionate to his infantry.
It did however most effective service; but owing to the
nature of the country, great labor was required in moving
it, and the men in charge were subjected to severe toil and
hardship. Lieutenant Clieland was the first officer of the
artillery to fall. He was killed at Skenesborough on July
sixth. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Journal of
Occurrences, etc., p. 174.
 226 Thomas Blomefield entered the Royal Military
Academy at Woolwich on February 9, 1758, before he
had completed his fourteenth year, and exhibited such
remarkable talents as to secure a commission in the First
Battalion of the Royal Artillery as lieutenant-fireworker on
January 3, 1759. When only fifteen years of age, at the

326                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

Prisoners, Major Williams, Lieutenants Howarth
and York.230
bombardment of Havre de Grace by Admiral Rodney, he
commanded a bomb vessel with ability. He was made second
lieutenant, August 1, 1762, and participated in the capture
of Martinique and Havana. He was promoted to the
rank of first lieutenant in the Second Battalion, May 28,
1766, and captain-lieutenant, January 29, 1773. Shortly
after his arrival in Canada, on June 3, 1776, he was made
major of brigade to Major-General Phillips. He performed
most important service in the construction of floating batteries
during the campaign of that year, and at the close of
the campaign returned to England. In the spring of 1777
he returned to Canada and participated in Burgoyne's
expedition. Madame Riedesel thus speaks of his wound: "One
day I undertook the care of Major Plumpfield, adjutant of
General Phillips, through both of whose cheeks a small
musket ball had passed, shattering his teeth and grazing his
tongue. He could hold nothing whatever in his mouth.
The matter from the wound almost choked him, and he was
unable to take any other nourishment, except a little broth,
or something liquid. We had Rhine wine. I gave him a
bottle of it, in hopes that the acidity of the wine would
cleanse his wound. He kept some continually in his mouth;
and that alone acted so beneficially, that he became cured,
and I again acquired one more friend. Thus in the midst of
my hours of care and suffering, I derived a joyful
satisfaction, which made me very happy." He was among the
paroled officers at Cambridge, and returned to England in
the spring of 1779. His subsequent commissions in the
Royal Artillery and army were as follows: Captain, January
19, 1780; major in the army, March 19, 1783, and in the
artillery, September twenty-fifth of the same year; a lieutenant-
colonel, December 5, 1793; colonel in the army, January
26, 1797, and in the artillery, November 12, 1800; a
major-general, September 25, 1803, and colonel command-
ant of the Ninth Battalion, June 1, 1806. He commanded
the artillery at the siege of Copenhagen with great success,
for which he received the thanks of Parliament and a

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             327

Battalion of Light Infantry consisting of 10 Companies
               Commanded by Earl Balcarres,
  9th Company; Lieut Wright.231
  20th Company;
baronetcy, which honor was conferred upon him, November
14, 1807. His last promotion was to the rank of lieutenant-
general, July 25, 1810. His death took place at his home
at Shooter's Hill, in Kent, August 24, 1822. Vide British
Family Antiquity (Playfair), London, 181 1, vol. 7, p. 833,
et seq.; Burke's Peerage and Baronetage, in loco; British
Army Lists, in loco; A State of the Expedition, p. 67;
History of the Royal Artillery (Duncan), vol. I, pp. 174,
177, 379; vol. 2, pp. 158, 167; Letters and Journals of
Madame Riedesel, p. 132.
 227 Edward Howarth was commissioned a second lieutenant
in the Royal Artillery, on June 17, 1772, and was one
of the most brilliant of that youthful band of officers who
accompanied Burgoyne to America in 1776. He was
wounded and taken prisoner at Saratoga in the final battle
of the campaign. Concerning him Anburey relates the fol-
lowing curious incident: "Your friend Howarth's wound, I
hear, is in his knee; it is very singular, but he was
prepossessed with an idea of being wounded, for when the orders
came for the detachment's going out, he was playing picquet
with me, and after reading the orders, and that his brigade
of guns were to go, he said to me, 'God bless you A---
farewell, for I know not how it is, but I have a strange
presentiment that I shall either be killed or wounded.' I was
rather surprised at such an expression, as he is of a gay and
cheerful disposition, and cannot but say, that during the
little time I could bestow in reflection that day, I continually
dwelt upon his remark, but he is now happily in a fair way
of recovery." On July 7, 1779, Howarth was promoted to
the rank of first lieutenant in the artillery, and on December
I, 1782, of captain-lieutenant and captain. He occupied
the position of quartermaster for eleven years; namely,
from April 4, 1783, to March 1, 1794, at which latter date he
attained the army rank of major. On January 1, 1798, he

328                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

  21at Company;
  24th Company;
was promoted to the army rank of lieutenant-colonel and
brevet-major-general; and July 16, 1799, was made a major
in the artillery. He was further promoted to a lieutenant-
colonelcy in the artillery, April 18, 1801; a colonelcy,
December 29, 1805; major-general in the army, June 4, 1811;
lieutenant-general in the army August 12, 1819, and colonel
commanding in the artillery, August 6, 1821. General
Howarth served under Wellington in the Peninsular war
with great distinction, commanding the artillery as brigadier-
general at the battles of Talavera, Busaco and Ferantes
d'Onore, and for the ability he displayed, was in 1814,
honored with the Knight Grand Cross of the Order of Bath.
In 1824, he was further rewarded with the Knight Grand-
Cross of the Royal Hanoverian Guelphic Order, a medal
and two clasps. Owing to failing health he was obliged to
vacate his command, and retiring to his country seat at
Birnstead, Surrey, he died on March 5, 1827. He had been
in almost constant service for over half a century. Vide
British Army Lists, in loco; History of the Royal
Artillery, vol. I, pp. 226, 381; Hadden's Journal and Orderly
Books, pp. xlviii, lvi.

 228 William P. Smith became a cadet in Woolwich, April
I, 1768, and a second lieutenant in the Royal Artillery,
March 15, 1771. He was wounded in the battle of October
7, and was among the convention prisoners. He subsequently
received the following promotions: First lieutenant,
July 7, 1779; captain-lieutenant, February 28, 1782, and
captain of the Sixth Company of the Second Battalion, May
24, 1790; major in the army, March 1, 1794, and in the artillery,
April 25, 1796; lieutenant-colonel in the army, January
I, 1798, and in the artillery, January 8, 1799. His last
commission was that of colonel in the artillery, July 20, 1804.
His death took place July 23, 1806. Vide British Army
Lists, in loco; History of the Royal Artillery, vol. I, p. 181.

 229 Of Volunteer Sutton we can find no particulars. He is
mentioned by Lamb in his list of wounded officers, and we

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             329

  27th Company; Wounded, Captn Craig.
  62nd Company; Wounded, Lieut Jones.232
may infer had seen military service. At the dawn of day
on the sixth of July, General Fraser pursued Colonel Francis,
and overtaking him, would have met with a disastrous
defeat but for the timely arrival of Riedesel with his
Germans. Sutton was wounded in this action. If he survived
his wound, he must have returned to Canada, as he is nowhere
again mentioned, and his name does not appear among
the convention prisoners.

 230 John H. York became a cadet at Woolwich, May 1,
1768, and a second lieutenant in the Royal Artillery, March
15, 1771. He was taken prisoner October seventh. At what
time he was exchanged is unknown. He was promoted as
follows, viz. : to the rank of first lieutenant, July 7, 1779;
captain-lieutenant, April 6, 1782, and captain in the Third
Company, Fourth Battalion, May 26, 1790; a major in the
army, March 1, 1794, and in the artillery, December 9, 1796;
a lieutenant-colonel in the army, January 1, 1798, and in the
artillery, July 16, 1799. His last commission was that of
colonel in the artillery, July 20, 1804, and he was shortly
after, November 1, 1805, drowned on the South American
coast. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; History of the
Royal Artillery, vol. I, pp. 257, 315.

 231 James Wright received his first commission as ensign
in the Ninth Foot, March 23, 1764, while that regiment was
doing service in Florida. In 1769 the Ninth returned home
and was assigned to garrison duty in Ireland. He was
commissioned a lieutenant, September 1, I77i,and accompanied
his regiment to Canada in 1776, taking part in the campaign
of that year. He was killed in the final battle at Saratoga.
Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Historical Record Ninth

 232 John Jones received his commission of ensign in the
Sixty-second Foot on December 9, 1767, and was promoted
to the rank of lieutenant, September 1, 1771. His regiment

330                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

  29th Company; Killed, Lieut Douglass.233 Wounded,
Lieut. Battersby.234 Prisoner, Ensign Johnston.235
  31th Company;
arrived in Canada in the spring of 1776, and he, therefore,
took part in the campaign of that year. He was wounded
at Hubbardton in the action of July seventh, and his name
disappears from the army lists after 1781. Vide British
Army Lists, in loco; Historical Record Sixty-second Foot,

 233 James Douglas was commissioned a lieutenant in the
army on April 8, 1773, and received his appointment of
ensign in the Twenty-ninth Foot on June 30, 1774. He
was promoted to a lieutenancy in his regiment, February 27,
1776, and was wounded in the action of July seventh. He
was being borne from the field after his wound, when a shot
passed directly through his heart, killing him instantly. His
place was filled by Ensign Dowling of the Forty-seventh
Foot, on the fourteenth, by order of the commanding general.
Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Travels Through
the Interior Parts of America, vol. I, p. 339; Burgoyne's
Orderly Book, p. 55.

 234 James Battersby entered the Twenty-ninth Foot, February
2, 1770, as an ensign, at which time this regiment was
stationed in Boston and won unpleasant notoriety in the
"massacre" of the fifth of March following. He was promoted
to a lieutenancy, December 16, 1773, and in February,
1776, embarked at Chatham with his regiment for the seat
of war in America. He was wounded in the action of October
seventh, and was one of the convention prisoners. He
was promoted to a captaincy, February 16, 1778, while a
prisoner. His name appears on the army lists for the last
time in 1784. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Historical
Record Twenty-ninth Foot; Journal of Occurrences During
the Late American War, p. 176.

 235 William Johnson was commissioned an ensign in the
Twenty-ninth Foot on March 29, 1776. Of his subsequent
fate we know nothing. His name was borne on the army
lists of 1780 for the last time.

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             331

 34th Company; Wounded, Capn Harris.346
 53rd Company; Wounded, Major Earl Balcarres.
Lieutenants Houghton & Cullen237
 236 John Adolphus Harris entered the Thirty-fourth Foot
under an ensign's commission, January 11, 1760, and was
promoted to the rank of lieutenant, January 28, 1762. At
this time the Thirty-fourth was in the West Indies, and Lieu-
tenant Harris participated in the siege of Havana, and after
the peace accompanied his regiment to Florida, where it
remained until 1768, when it was assigned to garrison duty
in Ireland. On November 28, 1771, he was promoted to a
captaincy, and in 1776, the Thirty-fourth having been
assigned to duty in America, he took part in the campaign of
that year. He was wounded at Hubbardton in the action
of July seventh. Anburey thus speaks of him in a letter
home, dated July seventeenth: "I omitted to mention to
you, that your old friend Captain H----, was wounded at
the battle of Huberton, early in the action, when the grenadiers
formed to support the light infantry. I could not pass
by him as he lay under a tree, where he had scrambled upon
his hands and knees, to protect him from the scattering shot,
without going up to see what assistance could be afforded
him, and learn if he was severely wounded. You who know
his ready turn for wit, will not be surprised to hear, though
in extreme agony, that with an arch look, and clapping his
hand behind him, he told me, if I wanted to be satisfied, I
must ask that, as the ball had entered at his hip, and passed
through a certain part adjoining; he is now at Ticonderoga,
and from the last account, is recovering fast." Owing to the
severity of his wound, he was unable to take part in the
subsequent movements of the campaign, and so was not
among the captured officers. After his return to England,
he became major of the Eighty-fourth Foot, or Royal High-
land Emigrants, First Battalion, October 22, 1779, and lieu-
tenant-colonel of the Sixtieth Foot, or Ro}-al Americans,
January 16, 1788. He was afterward commissioned in the
army as follows: Lieutenant-colonel, February 26, 1795;
major-general, January 1, 1798; lieutenant-general, January
I, 1805, and general, June 4, 1814. His name appears upon

332                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

  20th Regmt. Killed, Lieutenants Lucas,238 Cooke,239
Obines.240 Wound. Lieut. Coll. Lynd,241 Captains
Wemys,242 Doulin243 Stanley,244 Farquar;245 Lieuten-
the army lists for the last time in 1826. Vide British Army
Lists, in loco; Historical Record Thirty fourth Foot;
Travels Through the Interior Parts of America, vol. I,
p. 361, et seq.

 237 William Cullen entered the Fifty-third Foot as an en-
sign while that regiment was doing garrison duty in Ireland,
August 31,1774, and was promoted to a lieutenancy, March 2,
1776, just before the departure of his regiment for America.
He was wounded July seventh, in the action with the troops
of Colonel Francis, and probably returned to Ticonderoga,
as he was not among the captives of Burgoyne's army.
The Fifty-third Regiment was stationed in Canada for
several years after the close of the war, and during this time
Lieutenant Cullen was commissioned a captain, his commission
bearing date September 13, 1781. He seems to have
become weary of his long sojourn in America and retired on
a captain's half pay in 1784. Vide British Army Lists, in
loco; Historical Record, Fifty-third Foot; Journal of
Occurrences During the Late American War, p. 175.

 238 Thomas Lucas entered the Twentieth Foot upon the
eve of its embarkation for America, having received his
commission of lieutenant therein, March 1, 1776. He passed
through the perils of the campaign of that year to meet his
death in the battle of Freeman's Farm, September nineteenth.

 239 John Cooke entered the Twentieth Foot as an ensign
while it was stationed in Ireland, March 14, 1774, and when
his regiment was about to proceed to the relief of Carleton
at Quebec, he was promoted to the rank of lieutenant,
March 3, 1776. He ended his brief career at the battle of
Freeman's Farm, on September nineteenth.

 240 Hamlet Obins entered the British army as a cornet in
the Third Light Dragoons, January 1, 1766, and was
promoted to a lieutenancy in the Sixteenth Light Dragoons,

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             333

ants Dowlin,246 Ensign Connel.247 Prisoners; Stanley,
Farquar. Capn Dowlin, Ensign Connel.
Burgoyne's regiment, February 18, 1769, in which regiment
he remained until the breaking out of the war in America,
when he was transferred to the infantry and commissioned
a lieutenant in the Twentieth Foot, March 9, 1776. He fell
in the battle of October seventh, which decided the fate of
Burgoyne's army. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Journal
of Occurrences During the Late American War, p. 176,

 241 John Lind entered the Thirty-fourth Foot, December
12, 1755) a-rid the next year was with his regiment at Fort
St. Phillip, where it sustained a siege. He was commissioned
a captain, January 12, 1760, and took part in the expedition
against Belleisle during that year. In 1762 he participated
in the expedition against the Spanish West Indies,- and at
the successful close of the war accompanied his regiment to
Florida, where he remained until 1768, when his regiment
was ordered home and went into garrison in Ireland. On
November 28, 1771, he was made major of his regiment, and
January 16, 1776, was transferred to the Twentieth Foot
and promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel. In the
spring of that year he accompanied his regiment to America
and took part in the campaign under Carleton. The next
year he followed the fortunes of Burgoyne to the battle of
Freeman's Farm, where he was wounded, but remained with
his command and was among the surrendered officers at
Saratoga a few weeks later. He was raised to the army
rank of colonel, November 20, 1782, and was made a major-
general, October 12, 1793. He died May 1, 1795. Vide
Historical Record of the Thirty-fourth Foot; do. Twentieth
Foot; British Army Lists, in loco; Gentleman's
Magazine for 1795.

 242 Francis Weymis was commissioned a lieutenant in the
Twentieth Foot, September 26, 1757, at which time his
regiment formed part of the expedition under Lieutenant-Gen-
eral Sir John Mordant, against Rochfort, which resulted in
the capture and destruction of the fortifications on the Isle

334                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

21th Regmt; Killed, Lieutenants Curray,248
McKinzy,249 Turnbull,250 Robertson.251 Wounded, Lieut
Rutherford;252 Prisoner, Lieut Rutherford,
d'Aix, on the western coast of France. The French, in the
summer of 1759, sent an army into Germany with which
country England was in alliance, and the regiment to which
Lieutenant Weymis belonged was ordered to Germany to
form part of the forces under Prince Ferdinand, of Bruns-
wick. The service performed by the British troops in the
German service was severe, and when the Twentieth returned
to England in 1763, it received the thanks of Parliament for
its conduct. From this date until 1769, a period of six
years, Lieutenant Weymis was with his regiment at Gibraltar.
On the 25th of May, 1772, he was promoted to the
regimental and army rank of captain. After the campaign
in America of 1776, Lieutenant Weymis passed the following
winter at the Isle aux Noix, and was wounded in the
battle of the nineteenth of September. He was among the
convention prisoners, and upon his return home at the close
of the war was promoted to the rank of major, March 19,
1783. His name disappears from the army lists after 1787.
Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Historical Record
Twentieth Foot, pp. 15-23; Journal of Occurrences During the
Late American War, p. 175.

 243 Richard Dowling first appears on the army lists as
adjutant of the Twentieth Foot, January 8, 1768, while
that regiment was doing garrison duty at Gibraltar, where
it remained until 1774, when it proceeded to Ireland, and
was there stationed until the spring of '76. Adjutant Dow-
ling was commissioned a captain in his regiment, July 7,
1775, and accompanied it to America the following spring.
He was wounded in the battle of September nineteenth,
and taken prisoner, from which time he disappears from
view. His name continued upon the army lists until April
1, 1780, when his place was filled by Thomas Storey. Vide
British Army Lists, in loco; Historical Record Twentieth
Foot, pp. 15-23; Journal of Occurrences During the Late
American War, p. 176.

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             335

  24th Regmt : Killed, Lieut. Col. Frazier, Major
Grant. Wounded, Major Agnew,253 Captains Blake,254
Strangways,255 Lieut. Doyle.256
 244 John Stanly entered the Twentieth Foot as a lieutenant,
September 7, I/72, while the regiment was stationed at
Gibraltar. He was promoted to a captaincy about the time
of its departure for America, March 9, 1776. He was
wounded and taken prisoner at Freeman's Farm, and his
name appears for the last time on the army lists in 1783.

 245 William Farquar was commissioned a lieutenant in the
Forty-seventh Foot, September 25, 1759, after that regiment's
brilliant service in the siege and capture of Louisbourg
and the fall of Quebec. In 1763 he entered upon
half pay, but re-entered the service, and obtained a lieutenancy,
May 3, 1765, in the Fifty-sixth Foot, which was at
that time on duty at Gibraltar. He received a captain's
commission in the Twentieth Foot, May 13, 1776. He was
wounded and taken prisoner in the battle of September
nineteenth. At what time he was exchanged we are not
informed. He was promoted to a majority in the army,
March 19, 1783. His name disappears from the army lists
after 1794. Vide Historical Record Forty- seventh Foot;
do. Fifty-sixth Foot; British Army Lists, in loco.

 246 James Dowling was first commissioned an ensign in
the Forty-seventh Regiment, June 18, 1775, the day after
the battle of Bunker Hill, in which the Forty-seventh was
engaged. He accompanied his regiment to Canada in the
spring of the next year. Lieutenant Douglass of the
Twenty-ninth Foot having been killed in the action of
July seventh, Burgoyne promoted Ensign Dowling to the
vacant lieutenancy, July 14, 1777. He was wounded in the
performance of his duty, October seventh, and seems to
have escaped capture thereby. His name disappears from
the army lists after 1787. Vide British Army Lists, in loco;
Burgoyne's Orderly Book, p. 55; Journal of Occurrences
During the Late American War, p. 176.

336                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

  47th Regmt; Killed, Lieuts Reynels,257 Harvey,258
Stewart,259 Ensigns Taylor,260 Phillips,261 Young,262
Adjutant Fitzgerald.263 Wounded; Lieut. Colo. Ans-
 247 Morgan Connel was commissioned an ensign in the
Twentieth Foot, April 6, 1776. He was wounded in the
battle of October seventh and taken a prisoner. We have
no further account of him.

 248 Samuel Currie received his first commission in the
British army, which was that of a second lieutenant in the
Twenty-first Foot, on March 14, 1766. At this date his
regiment was stationed in Western Florida, and remained
there until 1770, when it was ordered to Canada, and, on
February 21, 1772, he was promoted to the rank of first
lieutenant. Shortly after he returned to England, where
the Twenty-first was in garrison until the spring of '76, when
Lieutenant Currie accompanied it to Quebec, and shortly
after his arrival in Canada, viz., on July 4, 1776, he received
the appointment of assistant commissary of General
Gordon's brigade. He lost his life in the battle of September
nineteenth. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Historical
Record Twenty-first Foot; Journal of Occurrences During
the Late American War, p. 175.

 249 Kenneth Mackenzie entered the British military service
as an ensign in the Thirty-third Foot, August 26, 1767, and
was promoted to a lieutenancy, February 27, 1771. On
August 16, 1775, he was transferred to the Twenty-first
Foot, and the following spring accompanied his regiment
to America. He was made a first lieutenant on May 7, 1776,
and participated in the campaign of that year. He ended
his life in the performance of a soldier's duty on the battle-
field of September nineteenth. Vide British Army Lists,
in loco; Historical Record Thirty-third Foot; Journal of
Occurrences During the Late American War, p. 175.

 250 George Turnbull received his commission of second
lieutenant in the Twenty-first Foot on May 3, 1776, and was
probably one of those youthful officers, of which there were

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             337

truther264 Major Harnage,265 Captain Bunbury,266
Ensigns, Blackee,267 Harvey.268 Prisoners : Lieut.
Naylor,269 Ensign De Antroch.270
so many in Burgoyne's army, who lost their lives in the
disastrous campaign of 1777. He was killed October seventh
near Stillwater.

 251 John James Roberton entered the British army as a
second lieutenant of Royal Engineers, July 13, 1774. He
was attached to the right wing of the army by an order of
June 27, 1777, his duty being to strengthen the right of the
camp under the direction of Brigadiers Powell and Hamilton.
The last mention made of him in Burgoyne's Orderly
Book is on September seventh, when he was assigned to the
duty of repairing the roads between the camp at Duer's
House and Fort Edward. On the nineteenth he was killed.

 252 Richard Rutherford entered the Twenty-first Foot as a
second lieutenant, February 26, 1776. He was wounded in
the battle of September nineteenth, and as his name is
dropped from the army list of 1779, we may infer that he
did not recover from his wounds.

 253 William Agnew was commissioned a lieutenant in the
Twenty-fourth Foot, September 3, 1756, and a captain-
lieutenant. May 15, 1763. Having served in Germany, his
regiment was transferred to Gibraltar, and he subsequently
accompanied it to America in the spring of 1776. He was
made major of the Twenty-fourth, July 14, 1777, in place
of Major Grant, who was killed on the seventh of that
month. He was wounded in the battle of Freeman's Farm,
September nineteenth. He became lieutenant-colonel of
his regiment, February 15, 1782, but his name is not borne
upon the lists of the next year. Vide British Army Lists,
in loco; Historical Record Twenty-fourth Foot; Journal of
Occurrences During the Late American War, p. 175.

 254 John Blake was made an ensign of the Twenty-fourth
Foot, May 23, 1761, and lieutenant, June 12, 1766. He
was promoted to a captaincy, July 7, 1775- He was

338                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

Engineers, Prisoner, Lieut. Dunford.271
Foot Guards : Killed, Sir Francis Clark, aid-de-
camp to General Burgoyne,
wounded in the battle of the nineteenth of September,
and did not rejoin his regiment, as his name is not in the
list of surrendered officers. He appears at the head of the
list of captains on the list of 1788. Vide British Army Lists,
in loco; Historical Record Twenty-fourth Foot.

255 Hon. Stephen Digby Strangways was the second son
of Stephen Fox and Elizabeth, the only daughter and heir
of Thomas Strangways Horner, Esq. His father was raised
to the peerage, March 11, 1741, as Lord Ilchester, of
Ilchester, in Somersetshire, and subsequently, on June 5, 1756,
was made Earl of Ilchester. Stephen Digby Strangways
was born on December 3, 1751, and was the brother of Lady
Harriet Acland. He entered the British military service as
a cornet in the Royal Irish Dragoons, August 5, 1767, at the
age of sixteen years; but, preferring the infantry service,
exchanged into the Twenty-fourth Foot, and obtained a
captaincy, April 17, 1769. He participated in the campaign of
1776, and was wounded in the battle of October seventh,
but was with the army when it surrendered. He was made
major of the Twentieth Foot, December 1, 1778, and
attained no higher rank in the army. Vide Burke's Peerage
and Baronetage, in loco; British Army Lists, in loco;
Historical Record Twenty-fourth Foot; Hadden's Journal and
Orderly Books, p. liv.

256 William Doyle was of an ancient Irish family noted in
military annals. He entered the British infantry service as
an ensign in the Twenty-fourth Foot, July 16, 1774, and was
promoted to a lieutenancy, November 27, 1776, at the close
of Carleton's successful campaign, in which he took part.
He was among the officers who surrendered at Saratoga.
He was raised to the rank of captain, July 31, 1787, major
in the army, May 6, 1795, and lieutenant-colonel, July 22,
1797. He exchanged into the Sixty-second Foot, and was
made its lieutenant-colonel, August 16, 1804. He was
promoted to the army rank of colonel, October 30, 1805; major-

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             339

16th Dragoons. Prisoner, Cornet Grant.272
N.B. I could not get an exact account of the loss
of the German troops commanded by Gen Reldzel,
general, June 4, 1811, and lieutenant-general, August 12,
1819. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Burgoyne's Orderly-
Book, p. 178.

 257 Thomas Reynell was the son of Sir Thomas Reynell of
Laleham, Middlesex county, and his wife, who so faithfully
followed him through the terrible scenes of the campaign
with Mrs. Riedesel, Acland and Harnage, until the fatal
nineteenth of September, when he received his death wound,
was Anne, the daughter of Samuel Coutty, Esq., of Kinsale.
Mrs. Reynell was left with three small children, the
oldest of whom was less than six years of age, and the
youngest an infant. The oldest of these children, Richard
Littleton Reynell, born April 30, 1772, settled in America,
where he was married and lived until his death, September
4, 1829, at which time he enjoyed the title of baronet. His
brother, Samuel, who was born October 31, 1775, and was
hardly two years of age at his father's death, died
unmarried, and the title descended to Thomas, the youngest
brother. Thomas Reynell, the subject of this brief sketch,
entered the British military service as an ensign in the
Sixty-second Foot, December 8, 1767, and was advanced to
the rank of lieutenant, May 3, 1770. He sailed with his
regiment from the Cove of Cork, April 8, 1776, and took
part in the campaign of Carleton of that year. Anburey
thus relates the incidents of his death: "You will readily
allow that it is the highest test of affection in a woman, to
share with her husband the toils and hardships of the
campaign, especially such an one as the present. What a trial
of fortitude the late action must have been, through a
distressing interval of long suspence ! The ladies followed the
route of the artillery and baggage, and when the action
began, the Baroness Reidesel, Lady Harriet Ackland, and
the wives of Major Harnage and Lieutenant Reynell, of the
Sixty-second Regiment, entered a small uninhabited hut,
but when the action became general and bloody, the Sur-

340                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

but believe it was pretty near equal to that of the
geons took possession of it, being the most convenient for
the first care of the wounded; in this situation were these
ladies four hours together, where the comfort they afforded
each other was broke in upon, by Major Harnage being
brought in to the surgeons deeply wounded! What a blow
must the next intelligence be, that informed them that
Lieutenant Reynell was killed! "Madame Riedesel gives us
further particulars of the trying scenes of that day: "The
wife of Major Harnage, a Madame Reynels the wife of the
good lieutenant who the day previous had so kindly shared
his broth with me, the wife of the commissary, and myself,
were the only ladies who were with the army. We sat
together bewailing our fate, when one came in, upon which
they all began whispering, looking at the same time
exceedingly sad. I noticed this, and also that they cast silent
glances toward me. This awakened in my mind the dreadful
thought that my husband had been killed. I shrieked
aloud, but they assured me that this was not so, at the
same time intimating to me by signs, that it was the lieu-
tenant - the husband of our companion - who had met
with misfortune. A moment after she was called out. Her
husband was not yet dead, but a cannon ball had taken off
his arm close to his shoulder. During the whole night we
heard his moans, which sounded fearfully through the
vaulted cellars. The poor man died toward morning." The
cellar of the house in which these ladies found shelter
during this dreadful night is still shown to the curious. Both
Lamb and Digby are in error as to the regiment of which
he was a member. Lamb makes him of the Twenty-fourth,
and Digby of the Forty-seventh. Vide Burke's Peerage
and Baronetage and British Army Lists, in loco; Travels
Through the Interior Parts of America, vol. I, p. 426;
Letters and Journals of Madame Riedesel, p. 129, et seq.

 258 Stephen Harvey became a lieutenant in the army,
August 15, 1775, and was assigned to the Sixty-second
Foot with a lieutenant's commission therein, February 29,
1776, and accompanied his regiment to America a few

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             341

Battalion of Grenadiers consisting of ten Companies
              Commanded by Major Ackland.
  9th Company; Killed, Captain Stapleton,273 Lieu-
weeks later. Lamb thus records his fate: "Nor should
the heroism of Lieutenant Hervey, of the 62nd regiment,
a youth of sixteen, and nephew to the adjutant general
of the same name be forgotten. It was characterized by
all that is gallant in the military character. In the battle of
the 19th September, he received several wounds, and was
repeatedly ordered off the field by Lieutenant-Colonel
Anstruther, but his heroic ardor would not allow him to quit
the battle while he could stand, and See his brave comrades
fighting beside him. A ball striking one of his legs, his
removal became absolutely necessary, and while they were
conveying him away, another wounded him mortally. In
this situation, the surgeon recommended him to take a
powerful dose of opium, to avoid a seven or eight hours'
life of most exquisite torture. This he immediately
consented to, and when the colonel entered the tent, with
Major Harnage, who were both wounded, they asked
whether he had any affairs they could settle for him? His
reply was, that being a minor, every thing was already
adjusted; but he had one request, which he retained just
life enough to utter: 'Tell my uncle, I died like a soldier
------.'" Anburey gives the same relation and adds:
"Where will you find in ancient Rome heroism superior!"
Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Journal of Occurrences
During the Late American War, p. 179.

 259 Archibald Stuart was a lieutenant in the army under a
commission dated October 10, 1759; but we have no further
account of him until June 23, 1775, when we find him a
lieutenant of Invalids at Hull. He was commissioned a
lieutenant of the Sixty-second Foot on the eve of its
departure to relieve Quebec. He fell in the battle of October

 260 George Taylor received his commission as an ensign in
the Sixty-second Foot on March 2, 1776, and was in the
campaign of that year under Carleton. He was one of those

342                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

tenant Huggart;274 Wounded, Captain Swetman,275
Lieutenant Rowe,276
youthful officers who had but just commenced a promising
military career, which was brought to an untimely end
during this campaign. He fell at the battle of Freeman's
Farm, September nineteenth, in which battle the Sixty-
second suffered severe loss.

 261 Levinge Cosby Phillips was commissioned an ensign
in the Sixty-second Foot, December 20, 1776. Wilkinson
thus alludes to him: "The morning after the action I
visited the wounded prisoners who had not been dressed, and
discovered a charming youth not more than 16 years old,
lying among them; feeble, faint, pale and stiff in his gore;
the delicacy of his aspect and the quality of his clothing
attracted my attention, and on enquiry I found he was an
Ensign Phillips; he told me he had fallen by a wound in his
leg or thigh, and as he lay on the ground was shot through
the body by an army follower, a murderous villain, who
avowed the deed, but I forgot his name; the moans of this
hapless youth moved me to tears; I raised him from the
straw on which he lay, took him in my arms and removed
him to a tent, where every comfort was provided and every
attention paid to him, but his wounds were mortal, and he
expired on the 21st; when his name was first mentioned to
General Gates, he exclaimed, 'just Heaven ! he may be the
nephew of my wife," but the fact was otherwise. Let those
parents who are now training their children for the military
profession; let those misguided patriots, who are inculcating
principles of education subversive of the foundations of the
republic, look on this picture of distress, taken from the life,
of a youth in a strange land, far removed from friends and
relations co-mingled with the dying and the dead, himself
wounded, helpless and expiring with agony, and then should
political considerations fail of effect, I hope, the feelings of
affection and the obligations of humanity, may induce them
to discountenance the pursuits of war, and save their off-
spring from the seductions of the plume and the sword, for
the more solid and useful avocations of civil life; by which
alone peace and virtue and the republic can be preserved,

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             343

  20th Company; Wounded, Major Ackland, twice;
Prisoners, Major Ackland.
and perpetuated." Vide British Army Lists, in loco;
Memoirs of My Own Times, vol. I, p. 246.

 262 Henry Young received his commission of ensign in the
Sixty-second Foot on November 21, 1776, and this was his
first campaign. Of the several officers of tender years in
Burgoyne's army, all connected with families of repute,
whose lives were sacrificed by a wretched king and a besotted
aristocracy in the support of a bad cause, we have
touching notices in the journals of the survivors who
participated in the great contest. Madame Riedesel thus
refers to the last hours of Ensign Young: "A few days
after our arrival, I heard plaintive moans in another room
near me, and learned that they came from Young, - who
was lying very low. I was the more interested in him, since
a family of that name had shown me much courtesy during
my sojourn in England. I tendered him my services, and
sent him provisions and refreshments. He expressed a great
desire to see his benefactress, as he called me. I went to
him, and found him lying on a little straw, for he had
lost his camp equipage. He was a young man, probably
eighteen or nineteen years old; and, actually, the own
nephew of the Mr. Young whom I had known, and the
only son of his parents. It was only for this reason that
he grieved; on account of his own sufferings he uttered
no complaint. He had bled considerably, and they wished
to take off his leg, but he could not bring his mind to it,
and now mortification had set in. I sent him pillows and
coverings, and my women servants a mattress. I redoubled
my care of him, and visited him every day, for which I
received from the sufferer a thousand blessings. Finally,
they attempted the amputation of the limb, but it was too
late, and he died a few days afterward. As he occupied an
appartment close to mine, and the walls were very thin, I
could hear his last groans through the partition of my
room." Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Letters and
Journals of Madame Riedesel, p. 114.

344                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

21st Company; Killed, Lieut Don;277 wounded
Captn. Ramsey,278 Lieut. Fetherston;279 Prisoners,
Captn Ramsey.
 263 George Tobias Fitzgerald was appointed adjutant of
the Sixty-second Foot, October 26, 1775, and fell at
Saratoga on October eleventh.

 264 John Anstruther, of the noble Scotch family of
Anstruther of Balcaskie, entered the Twenty-sixth Foot as
ensign, May 2, 175 1, and was advanced to the rank of
lieutenant in the Eighth Foot, August 28, 1756. The dates of
his subsequent commissions are as follows: captain-
lieutenant, September 25, 1761; captain, July 23, 1762; major,
November 5, 1766; lieutenant-colonel in the Sixty-second
Foot, October 21, 1773. He served in the campaign of
1776, and was wounded in the action of September
nineteenth, and also in that of October seventh. After the
surrender he was paroled, and returned home in 1778. He
was promoted to a colonelcy in the army, November 17,
1780, but does not seem to have had a command after
his return to England. His name disappears from the army
lists after 1782. Vide British Army Lists, in loco;
Historical Record Sixty-second Foot.

 265 Henry Harnage was of an ancient English family, and,
at the age of seventeen, received his first commission in the
military service as an ensign in the Fourth Foot, June 7, 1756,
and, on September twenty-ninth of the following year, was
advanced to a lieutenancy therein. He was promoted, May
4, 1767, to a captaincy in the Sixty-second Foot, the second
battalion of his regiment having received that number, and,
December 21, 1775, to a majority. He was wounded in the
battle of September nineteenth in the bowels, almost
precisely in the same manner as was General Eraser; but, said
the surgeon, "the general had eaten a hearty breakfast, by
reason of which the intestines were distended, and the ball,
--- had not gone, as in the case of Major Harnage, between
the intestines, but through them." In spite of this severe
wound, he was on the battle-field of October seventh, when
he was again wounded. When the army retreated on the

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             345

24th Company;

47th Company; Prisoner, Lieutenant England.280
next night, we are told by Madame Riedesel that "he
dragged himself out of bed, that he might not remain in
the hospital, which was left behind, protected by a flag of
truce," and, although suffering from his wound, he did not
forget to attend to the protection of her and her children.
He was made a lieutenant-colonel in the army, November
17, 1780, while he was on the way to London with dispatches
from Sir Henry Clinton, and was commissioned to the same
rank in the One Hundred and Fourth Foot, March 18,
1782, in which year his name appears on the army lists for
the last time. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Letters
and Journals of Madame Riedesel, p. 114.

 266 Abraham Bunbury was commissioned a lieutenant in
the Sixty-second Foot, September 17, 1773, and received
the rank of captain in the army, December 21, 1775- He
does not appear to have had a command during Burgoyne's
campaign. He was wounded in the battle of October seventh,
and, as his name does not appear in the list of officers
paroled at Cambridge, we may infer that he was taken with
other wounded men back to Canada. His name appears
upon the army lists for a number of years, but he held no
command in the army.

 267 Henry Blacker was commissioned as an ensign in the
Sixty-second Foot, December 21, 1775, and was acting in
that capacity when the surrender at Saratoga took place, as
his name so appears in the parole of Burgoyne's officers,
December 13, 1777. He was, however, commissioned to a
lieutenancy under the date of October eighth. He was
promoted to a captaincy, October 26, 1786.

 268 George Hervey was commissioned an ensign in the Sixty-
second Foot, April 6, 1776, and was wounded in the action
of September seventeenth. He, however, was in the battle
of October seventh, and was among those who signed the
parole after the surrender.

 269 Wm. Pendred Naylor was commissioned an ensign in
the Sixty-second Foot, March 12, 1774, and accompanied

346                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

  62nd Company; Wounded, Captn. Shrimpton.281
  29th Company; Wounded, Lieut Steel.282
his regiment to America in the spring of 1776. After the
close of the campaign of that year, Ensign Naylor was
promoted to a lieutenancy, November 21, 1776, which rank he
held when taken prisoner in the battle of October 7, 1777.
His name continued to be borne upon the army lists until
1783, when it disappeared.

 270 Henry Danterroche was made an ensign in the Sixty-
second Foot on November 21, 1776, after the close of the
campaign of that year. He was taken prisoner in the battle
of October seventh, and does not appear to have subsequently
advanced beyond the grade of ensign. His name
appears upon the army lists for the last time in 1786.

 271 Andrew Durnford was commissioned as an ensign in
the Royal Engineers, July 28, 1769, and was advanced to
the rank of lieutenant, March 6, 1775. He was taken prisoner
in Colonel Baum's unfortunate attack on Bennington.
At what time he was exchanged we do not know, but find
him acting as assistant deputy quartermaster-general in New
York and Georgia from 1779 to the close of the war. He
was commissioned a captain-lieutenant and captain in the
Engineers, October 1, 1784, and a major in the army. May
6, 1795. His name does not appear in the army lists after

 272 James Grant entered the Sixteenth Light Dragoons as
cornet, December 27, 1774, and was transferred to the
Twenty-first Dragoons, December 27, 1775. He was one
of the men selected by Burgoyne to bear dispatches through
the American lines to Clinton, but was not successful, and
returned to the British camp. He was subsequently taken
prisoner, but was paroled and returned to England. On
October 20, 1779, he was promoted to the army rank of
lieutenant, and, on January 7, 1780, exchanged into the
Sixty-first Foot as an ensign. On the following twenty-sixth
of April he was made a lieutenant, but we can trace his
career no farther, as his name disappears from the army lists
after 1782.

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             347

  31st Company.
  34th Company; Wounded, Captain Forbes.283
  53rd Company; Killed, Captain Wight.
 273 Francis Samuel Stapleton entered the Ninth Foot as
an ensign, September 4, 1762, while that regiment was
engaged in its arduous and successful campaign in the island
of Cuba, and the next year accompanied the regiment to
Florida, which territory Spain had ceded to Great Britain
in exchange for Cuba, which it had lost in the war. In the
autumn of 1769 the Ninth arrived in Ireland, and on
December 12, 1770, while it was in garrison there, Ensign
Stapleton was raised to the rank of lieutenant, and on
May 21, 1773, was promoted to a captaincy in his
regiment. He participated in the operations by which the
Americans were expelled from Canada in 1776, and fell
mortally wounded in the action of the 7th July, 1777.
Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Historical Record Ninth
Foot; Journal of Occurrences During the Late American
War, p. 174.

 274 James Haggart received his first commission of second
lieutenant of marines, May 25, 1775, and was killed in the
battle of July 7, 1777. Anburey relates that upon the very
first attack of the Light Infantry a ball destroyed both of
his eyes.

 275 George Swettenham was commissioned a lieutenant in
the army, February 28, 1760, and of the Ninth Foot, August
8, 1764, while that regiment was stationed in Florida under
the command of Lieutenant-General Whitemore. In 1769
he returned to Ireland with his regiment, where it remained
until the breaking out of the war in America. On March
2, 1776, he was promoted to a captaincy, and was wounded
at the battle of Freeman's Farm. He was among the
paroled officers of the surrendered army. His regiment
returned to England at the close of the war, in 1783, and
was stationed in Scotland in 1784 and 1785, and in the
latter year his name disappears from the army lists. Vide
British Army Lists, in loco; Historical Record Ninth Foot;
Burgoyne's Orderly Book, p. 178.

348                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

British Line.
  9th Regiment; Killed, Lieutenant Westrop;
Wounded, Captn. Mt. Gomery,284 Lieutenants Ste-
 276 John Rowe entered the service as an ensign in the
Ninth Foot, December 12, 1770, while this regiment was in
Ireland, and was advanced to a lieutenancy, October 19,
1772, He was wounded in the action of July seventh, and
does not appear to have been with his regiment after this
date. He was superseded September 20, 1777.

 277 John Don received his commission of second lieutenant
in the Twenty-first Foot, August 28, 1771, and of first
lieutenant, February 23, 1776. Anburey thus speaks of his death
in the action of the nineteenth of September: "Shortly
after this we heard a most tremendous firing upon our left,
where we were attacked in great force, and the very first
fire, your old friend, Lieutenant Don, of the 21st regiment,
received a ball through his heart. I am sure it will never be
erased from my memory; for when he was wounded, he
sprung from the ground, nearly as high as a man." Vide
British Army Lists, in loco; Travels Through the Interior
Parts of America, vol. I, p. 414.

 278 Hon. Malcolm Ramsay entered the Twenty-first Foot
as ensign on May 18, 1761, and appears on the same date to
have been made a second lieutenant. The Twenty-first was
at this time engaged in the successful expedition against
Belleisle, on the coast of France, and, after the capture of
that place, proceeded to Mobile. Lieutenant Ramsay was
promoted to the rank of first lieutenant, January 16, 1765;
captain-lieutenant, October 6, 1769, and captain, December
25, 1770. In 1772 his regiment was ordered home, where it
remained until the spring of 1776, when it sailed for Canada
to relieve Carleton. Captain Ramsay was wounded, September
nineteenth, at the battle of Freeman's Farm, and
so severely as not to be able to share in the subsequent
perils of the campaign. He was probably in Canada at the
time of the surrender of Burgoyne, where we find him,
December 21, 1777, commissioned a major in the Eighty-
third Foot. He was made lieutenant-colonel of the Eighty-

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             349

velly,285 Murray,286 Prince,287 Ensign D Salon,288
Adjutant, Fielding;289 Prisoners, Captn. Mt Gomery,
Money - Ensign D Salons and Surgeon [Shelly]
third, and deputy adjutant-general in New Brunswick,
August 24, 178 1. His name appears on the army lists
for the last time as "lieutenant-colonel late Eighty-third
Foot" in 1794. Vide British Army Lists, in loco;
Historical Record Twenty-first Foot; Journal of Occurrences
During the Late American War, p. 175.

 279 Wm. Featherstone was commissioned a second lieu-
tenant in the Twenty-first Foot, May 17, 1762, and a lieu-
tenant, November 18, 1768. The regiment was during this
time stationed at Mobile, where it remained until 1772,
when it returned to England. Early in the spring of 1776
it was ordered back to America to relieve Carleton, and
Lieutenant Featherstone participated in the campaign of
that year. He was commissioned a captain-lieutenant with
rank of captain in the army, September 12, 1777. He was
wounded in the battle of October seventh, and we infer,
was conveyed to Canada, as his name does not appear upon
the list of officers who surrendered at Saratoga. His name
is borne upon the army lists as captain until 1794, when
it disappears. Vide British Army Lists, in loco; Historical
Record Twenty-first Foot.

 280 Poole England received his first commission as ensign
in the Forty-seventh Foot, November 6, 1769, and on April
i6> 1773 - the year in which his regiment embarked for
America - he was promoted to a lieutenancy. He participated
in the battle of Bunker Hill - in which action he was
wounded - and, when Boston was evacuated, accompanied
his regiment to Canada. He was fort major at Ticonderoga,
September 6, 1777, and was taken prisoner, but liberated on
parole. His name is not found on the army lists later than

 281 John Shrimpton was commissioned a lieutenant in the
Sixty-second Foot, June 3, 1761, and, on the twenty-second
of the following October, received the same rank in the

350                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

army, and was advanced to the rank of captain-lieutenant
and captain, September 17, 1773. He was wounded on the
seventh of July in the following manner: "After the action
was over, and all firing had ceased for near two hours, upon
the summit of the mountain I have already described, which
had no ground anywhere that could command it, a number
of officers were collected to read the papers taken out of the
pocketbook of Colonel Francis, when Captain Shrimpton,
of the 62nd regiment, who had the papers in his hand,
jumped up and fell, exclaiming, 'he was severely wounded; '
we all heard the ball whiz by us, and turning to the place
from whence the report came, saw the smoke; as there was
every reason to imagine the piece was fired from some tree,
a party of men were instantly detached, but could find no
person, the fellow, no doubt, as soon as he had fired, had
slipt down and made his escape." Anburey again speaks
of him shortly after: "Major (sic) Shrimpton, who I told
you was wounded upon the hill, rather than remain with the
wounded at Huberton, preferred marching with the brigade,
and on crossing this creek, having only one hand to assist
himself with, was on the point of slipping in, had not an
officer, who was behind him caught hold of his cloaths, just
as he was falling. His wound was through his shoulder, and
as he could walk, he said he would not remain to fall into
the enemy's hands, as it was universally thought the sick
and wounded must." Captain Shrimpton recovered sufficiently
to participate in the subsequent scenes of the campaign
of 1777, and was one of the surrendered officers who
signed the parole at Cambridge. He returned to England
and became tower major at the Tower of London in 1787,
but we lose sight of him the following year. Vide British
Army Lists, in loco; Travels Through the Interior Parts of
America, vol. I, pp. 231, et seq., 342.

282 Thomas Steele entered the Twenty-ninth Foot as an
ensign, June 21, 1769, and was advanced to the rank of
lieutenant therein, November 3, 1773. The Twenty-ninth
Regiment was in America during this period, but returned to
England in 1774, where it was in garrison for two years,
when it was ordered back to America to assist in the war
there. Lieutenant Steele was wounded in the action of
July seventh, but not, it would appear, seriously enough to

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             351

prevent him from participating in the subsequent events of
Burgoyne's campaign, as we find him at the close of it
among the surrendered officers. The army lists do not
bear his name later than 1784.

283 Gordon Forbes entered the Thirty-third Foot as an
ensign under a commission bearing date August 27, 1756,
and was advanced to the rank of lieutenant in the Seventy-
second Foot - the second battalion of the Thirty-third,
which had been renumbered - on October 2, 1757. On
October 17, 1762, he was promoted to a captaincy, and
during the two following years, served in the expedition against
the Spanish settlements in the West Indies. On his return
to England, he exchanged into the Thirty-fourth Foot,
April 12, 1764, and accompanied his regiment to Louisiana,
which Spain had just ceded to Great Britain. The Thirty-
fourth returned to England in 1773, and was ordered to
America in the spring of 1776. At the close of the
successful campaign against the Americans in that year,
Captain Forbes was promoted, on November eleventh, to a
majority, and transferred to the Ninth Foot, with which
regiment he gallantly served in the campaign of the
following year. He was wounded in the action of the nineteenth
of September, and was among the officers who surrendered
in the following month. He returned to England in 1778,
and was made lieutenant-colonel of the One Hundred and
Second Foot, September 24, 1781. On October 12, 1787, -
having been on half pay during the four previous years -
he was made lieutenant-colonel of the Seventy-fourth Foot,
and, November 18, 1790, colonel in the army. On April
18, 1794, not having had a regimental command for a period
of five years, he was appointed colonel of the One Hundred
and Fifth Foot, and, on October third, was made a major-
general in the army. On January 24, 1787, - the One Hundred
and Fifth having been disbanded during the preceding
year - he was made colonel of the Eighty-first, but was
transferred to the Twenty-ninth Foot on August eighth
following. He was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-general,
January 1, 1801, and of general, January 1, 1812. His death
took place January 17, 1828. Vide British Army Lists, in loco;
Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books, pp. xlvii, 162-164.

352                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

 284 Wm. Stone Montgomery. See note 167, ante, p. 221,

 285 Joseph Stevelly was commissioned an ensign in the
Ninth Foot, January 1, 1774, and was promoted to the rank
of lieutenant, December 19, 1776. He was wounded at Fort
Anne, July ninth, but was with his regiment at the time
of the surrender. His name is not borne on the army lists
after 1781.

 286 James Murray was commissioned an ensign in the
Ninth Foot, September 26, 1772, and a lieutenant, March
2, 1776. He served through Carleton's campaign, and was
wounded the following year in the attack on Fort Anne,
July ninth. Anburey, in writing home, speaks of him as
"our pleasant Hibernian friend," and describes the rough
manner in which he comforted his fellow sufferers who had
met with the same misfortune which had befallen him.
Murray was among the officers who were paroled at Cam-
bridge after the surrender. He served as the quartermaster
of his regiment until the close of the war, having acted in
that capacity for a period of fourteen years - namely, from
January 14, 1770, to the close of 1783. He was advanced
to the rank of captain, March 31, 1787, In 1789 he retired
from the service upon half pay. Vide British Army Lists,
in loco; Travels Through the Interior Parts of America,
vol. I, p. 350, et seq.

 287 William Prince entered the Ninth Foot as an ensign,
March 14, 1772, and was advanced to a lieutenancy, July
7, 1775. He was wounded at the battle of Freeman's Farm,
September nineteenth, but not sufficiently to prevent him
from remaining with his regiment, hence he was among the
officers who surrendered at Saratoga a few weeks later. He
was promoted to a captaincy, April 5, 1781, but does not
appear to have attained any higher rank. His name is
borne on the army lists for the last time in 1785.

 288 Baron Alexander Salons was commissioned an ensign
in the Ninth Foot, September 2, 1776. By an order of
August thirteenth he was assigned to service in Captain
Fraser's corps, and, three days later, while in performance
of his duty, was wounded at the battle of Bennington. He
was sent back with the wounded to Canada, and, after his

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             353

return to England, was made a captain in the Eighty-fifth,
which was assigned to duty in Jamaica. The climate of
Jamaica wrought great havoc in the regiment, and it is said
that in a short time nine-tenths of the men of the regiment
were dead or on the sick list. In 1783 his name disappears
from the army lists.

 289 Isaac Fielding received his commission as adjutant in
the Ninth Foot, November 24, 1775. He was wounded at
Fort Anne, July ninth, but had recovered from his wound
sufficiently to take part in the final scenes of the campaign;
hence he was' among the officers who surrendered at Sara-
toga. We have no account of his subsequent career, as his
name disappears from the army list after 1780.

354                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

Return of the army of the United States under the
  command of H. Gates, Major General, 17th October
Brigadiers ...................... 12.
Colonels ........................ 44.
Lieut Colonels .................. 43.
Majors .......................... 49.
Captains ....................... 344.
First lieutent ................. 332.
Second lieutt .................. 326.
Ensigns ........................ 345.
Chaplains ........................ 5.
Adjutants ....................... 42.
Quarter masters ................. 44.
Paymasters ...................... 30.
Surgeons ........................ 37.
Surgeons mates .................. 43.
Sergeants ..................... 1392.
Drummers ....................... 636.
Rank & file ................. 13,216.
Sick present ................... 622.
Sick absent .................... 731
At Fort Edward ................ 3875. on command.
On Furlough .................... 180.
            Signed    Horatio Gates

                         Major General.

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.              355

Return of the British Troops under the Command
  of Lieut Genl Burgoyne 17 October 1777.

Generals staff ................. 10.
Lieut Cols ...................... 4.
Majors .......................... 6.
Captains ....................... 40.
Lieutenants .................... 59.
Ensigns ........................ 36.
Chaplains ....................... 4.
Adjutants ....................... 5.
Qr. masters ..................... 3.
Surgeons ........................ 7.
Mates ........................... 7.
Sergeants ..................... 162.
Drummers & fifers ............. 135.
Rank & file fit for duty ..... 2365.
Sick .......................... 361.
Musicians ...................... 36.
Batt men ...................... 139.
            Signed    JBurgoyne

                        Lieut. General.
Return of the German troops under the Command
  of Lieut. General Burgoyne, 17th October 1777.

Officiers ..................... 132.
Bat officiers ................. 197.
Chusurgiers .................... 19.
Soldats ...................... 1792.
Tambours ....................... 72.
Total Germans ................ 2202.

                         General Major.

356                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

Total provincial army ............. .... 22348.
British ..........................  3379  5581.
Germans ..........................  2202
                                -------- ------
    Difference of armies ............... 16767.

Brave Chiefs and Warriors.
  "The great King, our common father and the
patron of all who seek and deserve his protection,
has considered with satisfaction the general conduct
of the Indians tribes, from the beginning of the
troubles in America, too sagacious and too faithful
to the deluded or corrupted, they have observed the
violated rights of the parental power they love, and
burned to vindicate them. A few individuals alone,
the refuse of a small tribe, at the first were led away,
and the misrepresentations, the special allurements,
the insidious promises and diversified [plots] in which
the rebels are exercised, and all of which they
employed for that effect, have served only in the end,
to enhance the honour of the tribes in general for
demonstrating to the world, how few and how
contemptible are the apostates. It is a truth known to
you all, that, these pitiful examples excepted (and
  * This speech of Burgoyne to the Indians appears at the
end of Digby's Journal, and is imperfect, the leaves which
contained the concluding portion of it and the old chiefs
reply being lost. These I have been enabled to supply, J. P. B.

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             357

they probably have before this day hid their faces in
shame), the collected voices and hands of the Indian
tribes over their vast continent, are on the side of
justice, of law and of the king.

[The restraint you have put upon your resentment
in waiting the King, your father's call to arms, the
hardest proof, I am persuaded, to which your affection
could have been put, is another manifest and
affecting mark of your adherence to that principle of
connection to which you were always fond to allude,
and which is the mutual joy and the duty of the
parent to cherish.]

The clemency of your father has been abused, the
offers of his mercy have been despised and his farther
patience, would in his eyes become culpable in
asmuch as it would withold redress from the most
grievous oppressions in the provinces, that ever
disgraced the history of mankind. It therefore remains
for me the general of one of his majesties armies,
and in this council his representative, to release you
from those bonds [which] your obedience imposed.
Warriors [you are free ! Go] forth in the might of
your valour [and your cause; strike at the common
enemies of Great Britain and America - disturbers
of public order, peace, and happiness - destroyers of
commerce, parricides of the State."

Having reached this part of his speech General
Burgoyne raised his hand and pointed to the British
officers which surrounded him and then to their
German allies and continued.

358                   Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

  "The circle around you - the chiefs of His Majesty's
European forces and of the Princes his allies, esteem
you as brothers in the war : [emulous in glory and
in friendship, we will endeavour reciprocally to give
and to receive examples; we know how to value,
and we will strive to imitate your preseverance in
enterprise and your constancy, to resist hunger, weariness
and pain.] Be it our task, from the dictates
of our religion, the laws of our warfare, and the
principles and interests of our policy, to regulate your
passions when they overbear, to point out where it
is nobler to spare than to revenge, to discriminate
the degrees of guilt, to suspend the uplifted stroke,
to chastise and not to destroy.
  [This war to you my friends is new; upon all
former occasions, in taking the field, you held your-
selves authorized to destroy wherever you came,
because every where you found an enemy. The case
is now very different.
  The King has many faithful subjects dispersed in
the provinces consequently you have many brothers
there, and these people are more to be pitied, that
they are persecuted or imprisoned wherever they are
discovered or suspected, and to dissemble, to a
generous mind, is a yet more grievous punishment.
  Persuaded that your magnanimity of character,
joined to your principles of affection to the King,
will give me fuller controul over your minds than the Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             359

proclaim for your invariable observation during the
campaign ".]
  To this the Indians shouted vociferously Etow !
Etow ! Etow ! to signify their approval and then
listened with eager attention, to gather from the
interpreter the General's instructions which were as
follows : -
  "I positively forbid bloodshed when you are not
opposed in arms.
  "Aged men, women, children, and prisoners must
be held secure from the knife or hatchet, even in the
time of actual conflict.
  "You shall receive compensation for the prisoners
you take, but you will be called to account for scalps.
  "In conformity and indulgence to your customs,
which have affixed an idea of honour to such badges
of victory, you will be allowed to take the scalps of
the dead when killed by your fire or in fair opposition,
but on no account or pretence or subtilty or  Lieutenant Digbys Journal.

those who fall into their hands, it shall be yours also
to retaliate, but till this severity shall be thus
compelled, bear immovable in your hearts this solid
maxim: (it cannot be too deeply impressed) [that
the great essential reward the worthy service of your
alliance] the sincerity of your zeal to the King,
your father and never-failing protector, will be
examined and judged upon the test only of your steady
and uniform adherence to the orders and counsels of
those to whom His Majesty has entrusted the
direction and the honour of his arms."]
  At the conclusion they again shouted Etow !
Etow ! Etow ! and after holding a consultation, an
aged Iroquois chief gravely arose and replied as
follows :

     BURGOYNE'S SPEECH OF JUNE 21st, 1777.
  I stand up in the name of all the nations present,
to assure our father that we have attentively listened
to his discourse. We receive you as our father,
because when you speak we have the voice of our
great father beyond the great lake. We rejoice in
the approbation you have expressed of our behaviour.
We have been tried and tempted by the Bostonians;
but we have loved our father, and our hatchets have
been sharpened upon our affections. In proof of
the sincerity of our professions, our whole villages
able to go to war are come forth. The old and
infirm, our infants and wives alone remain at home.

Lieutenant Digbys Journal.             361

With one common assent we promise a constant
obedience to all you have ordered, and all you shall
order; and may the Father of Days give you many
and success."
  When the Iroquois Chief had concluded his speech
his hearers applauded as before with loud shouts of
Etow! Etow! Etow!

         W Digby Lieut 53' Regt.



Anbenaquis, 93.

Abercrombie, General James,
before Ticonderoga, 127;
St. Leger served under,
256; Stanwix under, 258;
mentioned, 217, 258.

Account of Burgoyne's Cam-
paign, see Neilson, Charles.

Acland, Lady Harriet, accom-
panied her husband to
America, 112; conflicting
stories concerning her sec-
ond marriage, 112; escaped
from a burning tent, 267,
268; romantic attachment
for her husband, 268; in
the American lines, 298;
her heroic conduct, 298,
299; described, 299; sister
of Capt. Strangways, 338;
mentioned, 295, 339.

Acland, Major John Dyke,
wounded, 211, 290, 298, 343;
his tent burned, 267; him-
self burned, 268; the ro-
mantic attachment of his
wife, 268; biographical no-
tice, III; mentioned, 16,

Adams, Katherine, mother of
Capt. Robert, 137.

Adams, Capt. Robert, mur-
dered by Indians, 135, 136;
biographical notice of, 136-

Adams, Thomas, father of
Capt. Robert, 136, 137.

Adolphus, John, his History
of England, cited, 239.

Agnew, Major William,
wounded, 335; biograph-
ical notice, 337.

Albany, Burgoyne, Clinton
and Howe to meet at, 14,
15, 19, 24, 26, 64, 65, 259;
Burgoyne proceeded to-
ward, 21; re-enforcements
sent to, 25; Burgoyne's
path to, blocked, 29; Clin-
ton on the way to, 46; Gen.
Schuyler born and died in,
241, 243; the Baroness Rie-
desel in, 243; volunteers
from, 250; St. Leger to
meet Burgoyne at, 258;
mentioned, 19, 28, 33, 101,
108, 240, 244, 257, 277, 281.

Algonquins, the, 93.



Allen, Col. Ethan, captured
Ticonderoga, 127.

Allen, Joseph, his Battles of
the British Navy, cited, 140.

Amboy, evacuated by Howe,

America, a day famous in the
annals of, 317; mentioned,
67, 69, 93, 102, 121, 155,
156, 166, 169, 174, 182, 189,
191, 218, 222, 230, 234, 239,
245, 246, 300, 305, 306, 310,
325, 327, 330, 331, 332, 333,
334, 335, 337, 339, 340, 346,
349, 350.

American Archives, The,
cited, 104, 114, 130, 138,
254, 300.

American Historical Record,
The, cited, 257.

American Revolution, The
History of, see Ramsay,
David, M. D.

American troops, the,
triumphant in Canada, 3, 8;
driven from Quebec, 9, 10;
disheartened, 13; sufferings
of, 13, 14; bitter at the loss
of Ticonderoga, 20;
impatient for the approach of
Carleton, 172; accused of
inhumanity, 261, 263, 264,
265, 270, 272, 273; defended
by Gates, 261-263,

American War, History of
the, see Stedman, C.

Amhurst, Gen. Jeffrey,
captured Crown Point, 127;
captured Ticonderoga, 127;
biographical notice of, 135-

Anburey, Thomas, biographical
notice of, 17; his Travels
through the Interior
Parts of America translated
into French and German,
17; cited, 17, 18, 123, 130,
131, 134, 175, 211-213, 237,
252, 255, 268, 270, 272, 273,
327, 330, 331, 332, 339, 340,
341, 348, 350, 352.

Ancient and Honorable
Artillery Company, The, 283.

Andover, Mass., 282.

Annual Biography and
Obituary, The, cited, 278.

Annual Register, The, cited,
86, 140, 148.

Anson, Lord, General Howe
served under, 156.

Anstruther, Colonel John,
wounded, 336, 337;
biographical notice of, 344;
mentioned, 272, 341.

Anticosti, Island of, described,
96, 97.

Antiochus, 121.

Antroch, Ensign Henry de,
see Danterroch, Henry.

Apollo, The, 187.

Argyle, the Tories of, seek
protection from the In-
dians, 236.

Ariadne, The, 148.

Arnold, Gen. Benedict, joined
Montgomery, 8; attacked
by Carleton, 10, 12; unable
to form a conjunction with
Sullivan, 12, 13; attacked
Burgoyne and Eraser, 30;
urged Gates to make a night
attack, 32, 291; suspended.



32; a controlling spirit in a
fight, 39, 40, 41; duel with
Balcarres, 87; dispatched a
party to reconnoitre, 145;
commander on the lake,
146, 147, 241; built the
Royal Savage, 158; com-
mander of the Congress,
163; confidence reposed in,
164; heroic conduct, 171,
288, 289; strengthened his
position at Ticonderoga,
172; accompanied Phillips
to Virginia, 175; supposed
letter to Burgoyne, 241;
joined the British, 246;
suspected by Clinton, 246,
247; with Morgan in Can-
ada, 271; his furious attack
upon the Germans, 288,
289; before Quebec, 325;
biographical notice of, 146,
147; mentioned, 9, 3 1 3, 3 19-

Arnold, Hannah, letter of, to
her son Benedict, 146.

Arnold's Campaign for the
Conquest of Canada, see
Henry, John Joseph.

Arrogant, The, 150.

Articles of Convention be-
tween Gates and Burgoyne,

Astor Library, vi.

August, The, 253.

Baccalaos, early name of New-
foundland, 90.

Balcarres, the Earl of, at-
tacked by Arnold, 41; duel
with Arnold, 87; landed at
Quebec, 104; wounded.

211,331; biographical no-
tice of, 86; mentioned, 16,
no, 252, 327.

Balcaskie, Scotland, 344.

Barre, Col. Isaac, demanded
of Germaine what was be-
come of Burgoyne, 65; re-
gretted the death of Gen.
Montgomery, 100, 101.

Basque, a province of Spain,


Basques, the, fished early near
Newfoundland, 90.

Batman, defined, 202.

Batten Kill, 249, 253.

Battersby, Lieutenant James,
wounded, 330; biograph-
ical notice of, 330.

Battles of the British Navy,
see Allen, Joseph.

Baum, Lieut.-Col. Frederick,
sent to attack Bennington,
23-24; 250, 251, 346; his
command destroyed, 23;
taken prisoner, 260; bio-
graphical notice of, 260;
mentioned, 193, 194.

Bay of Biscay, 207.

Bay of Placentia, 91.

Beatson, Robert, his Military
Memoirs of Great Britain,
cited, 148; his Political
Index to the Histories 01
Great Britain, cited, 148.

Belle Isle, the expedition
.against. Col. Hamilton in,
196; General Hodgson in,
207; Maj. Walker in, 207;
Capt. Jones in, 325; Col.
Lind in, 333; Capt. Ram-
say in, 348.



Bemus Heights, the battle of,
Maj. Acland wounded at,
III; Mrs. Acland at, Ii2;
Breymann killed at, 193.

Bennington, the patriots
gathered at, 23; Gen. Baum
sent to seize the stores at,

Bennington, the battle of,
Lieut.-Col. Peters at, 194;
Gen. Riedesel sent to, 248,
250; Lieut.-Col. Baum
taken prisoner at, 260, 346;
the victory at, caused re-
cruits to come into the
American camp, 267; Capt.
Durnford taken prisoner at,
346; Capt. Salons wounded
at, 352; mentioned, 24, 27,
193, 255, 260, 261, 262, 265.

Berkshire, England, 86.

Berwick, Maine, 10.

Berwick, Scotland, Sir Wil-
liam Howe, governor of,

Betham, the Rev. William,
his Baronetage, cited, 222.

Bingley, Lord, a supposed
relative of Burgoyne, 168.

Biographical Dictionary, see
Blake. John L., D. D.

Bird Islands, The, described,

Birnstead, England, Howarth
died at, 328.

Biscay, a province of Spain,

Biscay, the Bay of, 207.

Biscayners, The, supposed an-
cestors of the Esquimaux,
95; traces of, in Europe, 95.

Blake, Capt. John, wounded,
335; biographical notice of,
337, 33S.

Blake, John L., D. D., his Bio-
graphical Dictionary, cited,

Blackee, see Blacker.

Blacker, Ensign Henry,
wounded, 337; biograph-
ical notice of, 345.

Bleurie River, The, 142,

Blomefield, Capt. Thomas,
wounded, 325; biograph-
ical notice of, 325, 326.

Bonchetti, Joseph, his British
Dominions in North Amer-
ica, cited, 97.

Boscawen, Admiral Edward,
accompanied to America
by St. Clair, 218.

Boston, Burgoyne's troops to
embark at, 49; troops quar-
tered in, 49, 50; Gen. Heath
at the siege of, 62; Bur-
goyne in, 115; Capt. Craig
at the siege of, 166; Col.
Marshall born in, 283;
mentioned, 60, 61, 62, 103,
113, T47, 182, 194,244, 282,
314, 349-

Boston Gazette, The, Gen.
Heath a writer for, 61.

Boston Massacre, Lieut. Bat-
tersby in the, 330.

Boston, The, burnt, 162;
commanded by Sumner,

Botta, Carlo G. G., his His-
tory of the War of Inde-
pendence, cited, 101, 247.

Boucherville, Canada, 193.



Boucherville, Capt. Rιnι An-
toine de, in command of a
Canadian company, 193;
biographical notice of, 193.

Bouquet Expedition, Capt.
Adams in the, 137.

Bouquet, Col. Henry, 200.

Bouquet River, The, named
after Col. Bouquet, 200.

Bourbon River, The, 93.

Bouroughbridge, England,
represented by Gen. Phil-
lips, 174.

Braddock, Gen. Edward, Gen.
Gates served under, 169;
Col. Morgan served under,
270; Capt. Langlade served
under, 254.

Brampton, England, Arnold's
death at, 147.

Brandywine, Battle of, Gen.
Sullivan at the, 10.

Breed's Hill, 236, see Bunker

Brenton, Edward P., his Naval
History of Great Britain,
cited, 148.

Breymann, Lieut.-Col. Hein-
rich Christoph, sent to sup-
port Baum, 24; defeated,
24; biographical notice of,
193-194; mentioned, 31,
41, 193, 288.

Bribes, Gens. Schuyler and
St. Clair accused of accept-
ing, 219.

British Army Lists, The,
cited, 86, 87, 109, 112, 114,
123, 124, 130, 137, 150, 156,
160, 171, 175, 181, 182. 195,
199,203,206, 207, 211, 217,

219,222,225, 234, 235, 245,
247, 257, 278, 287, 290, 300,
306, 312,325, 327, 328, 329,
330,332,333. 334, 335, 336,
337,338,339, 340, 341, 343,
344,345,347, 348, 349, 35o,

British Family Antiquary, see
Playfaire, William.

British Museum, v, vii.

British North America, Gen.
Craig Governor General of,

British War Office, vi.

Brooks, the Rev. Charles, his
History of Medford, cited,

Brown, Col., attacked Ticon-
deroga, 277.

Brudenel, the Rev. Edward,
performed the funeral serv-
ice at the burial of General
Eraser, 296; conducted
Lady Acland to the Amer-
ican lines, 298, 299; bio-
graphical notice of, 298.

Brunswick, 334.

Brunswick Dragoons, The,

Brymen, see Breymann, Lieut.-
Col. Heinrich Christoph.

Brymner, Mr. Douglas, vi, 195.

Buckingham, James Silk, his
Canada, Nova Scotia and
other British Provinces,
cited, 92.

Bullet, Story of the Silver,

33, 34.
Bunbury, Capt. Abraham,
wounded, 337; biograph-
ical notice of, 345.



Bunker Hill, the battle of, its
effect upon the English
Government, 4, 5; Dear-
born at, 38; the retreat
from Long Island com-
pared to the, 60; Col. Nes-
bit at, 114; witnessed by
Burgoyne, 116; the assault
led by Gen. Howe, 155;
Capt. Craig at, 166, 167;
L'Estrange at, 182; Col.
Hale at, 216; Sir Henry
Clinton at, 246; Col. Dow-
ling at, 335; Lieut. Eng-
land at, 349; mentioned,
236, 313-
Burgoyne, Lady Charlotte,
Burgoyne, Lieut.-Gen. Sir
John, drove Sullivan to St.
Johns, 10; sailed for Eng-
land, 13, 14; at Quebec,
14, 187; in command of
the Northern army, 14, 15,
84, 85, 187, 188; at Mon-
treal, 15; letter to Lord
Germaine, 15; occupied a
post near Ticonderoga, 15;
fine equipped army, 16-18;
army divided into three
brigades, 17; detached St.
Leger to Fort Schuyler,
18; at Crown Point, 19;
before Ticonderoga, 19, 20;
his position discovered, 20;
captured Ticonderoga, 20;
victory celebrated, 21, 172;
letter to Lord Germaine,
21; sent for more troops,
21-22; to Skeensborough,
22; his progress hindered.

22, 30; discontent of his
allies, and army weakened,
22-23; sent Baum to Ben-
nington, 23; embarrassed,
24, 29, 37; disheartened
letter to Lord Germaine,
24-27; messages to Gen.
Howe intercepted, 25, 28,
123; to meet Howe at Al-
bany, 24, 26, 64, 65, 188,
257, 258; recruits at Lake
Champlain, 26; communi-
cations cut off, 26, 197;
awaited Howe's operations,
26; peril of his position,
27, 28, 29; defeat of St.
Leger, 27; crossed the
Hudson, 28; at Dovegat,
29; path blocked, 29; army
divided, 29, 30; attacked
by Arnold and Morgan, 30,
38; failed to follow a gained
advantage, 31, 275; im-
justly claimed victory, 31;
advised to advance, 32; re-
ceived letters from Gen.
Clinton, 32-34, 275; mes-
senger to, taken prisoner,
33, 284; hoped for re-en-
forcements, 32, 33; fortified
his camp, 33, 34; letter to
Clinton, 35, 36; position
more critical, 37, 288, 289,.
300; prepared to attack the
Americans, 37; attacked by
the enemy, 38; ordered a
retreat, 40, 41; moved
across Fish Creek, 42, 293;
not guilty of spending the
night in revelry, 42, 43;
sent a force to clear the



way to Fort Edward, 44;
a still more critical position,
46; called a council, 46, 47,
317, 318; a retreat prevented
by the enemy, 46,
47, 251, 279; proposed a
surrender, 47, 296, 305-307;
his terms accepted, 47;
endeavored to break the
agreement, 47-48, 309, 310.
311; treaty signed, 48, 312;
surrendered, 49; troops
started for Boston, 49;
difficulty in supplying quarters
for his army, 51, 52;
complicated affairs, 53; his
supplies in arrears, 54;
regimental colors not given up, 55,
74; his utterances carefully
scanned, 57; his soldiers
deserted, 58; feeling of
doubt concerning him, 58;
his health impaired, 59;
embarked for England, 59,
88, 173; paid expenses for
his troops, 59; felt that the
American Government
treated him unjustly, 64;
dispatches from, reach
England, 66, 346; the
disaster of his army expected,
64-66, 318, 319; his
reception in London, 66, 67;
published an address on his
campaign, 68, 69; ministry
hostile, 68; accused of
trying to supplant Carleton,
68; charged, with double
dealing, 68; endeavored to
have his captured army
liberated, 68; demanded a


trial, 68-69; assailed by
pamphlets, 69, 70; popular,
67, 68, 69; ordered to
America, 67, 68, 69; his
army a sacrifice to a blunder
of Lord Germaine, 70, 321;
Howe's failure to co-operate
with him a puzzle to
Washington, 71, 72; compared
to Howe, 72; second
in command, 84, 85; treated
prisoners humanely, 108;
his expedition against Forts
Chambly and St. Johns,
114-116; in Parliament,
115; general orders of, 119;
orders against scalping,
135, 359; on the Maria,
151; erected a block-house,
152; witnessed the battle
of Bunker Hill, 155; his
favorite aid-de-camp, 160;
his parentage, 168;
complimented Carleton, 172;
advised Carleton to
advance, 172; left Phillips in
command of the troops,
175; Colonel of the Queen's
Regiment, 189, 229, 231,
232; Governor of Fort
William, 189, 229, 231,
232; manifesto of, 189-192;
humorous replies to, 192,
229-232; his unfavorable
opinion of the Provincial
loyalists, 195; on St. Clair's
want of foresight, 204;
praised the Grenadiers, 212;
occupied Mount Defiance,
218; said to have bribed
Gens. Schuyler and St.



Clair, 219; eulogized Gen.
Montgomery, 221; in Port-
ugal, 222; eulogized Gen.
Fraser, 224-225; his advance
on Skeensborough a help
to the enemy, 227-228; is-
sued a proclamation, 233;
not in favor of hiring In-
dians, 237-239, 262; letters
to Gen. Gates, 237, 263,
259-265; supposed letter
from Gen. Arnold, 241; de-
stroyed the house of Gen.
Schuyler, 243; at Duer's
house, 244; Gen. Clinton's
weak attempt to help him,
246; at Fort Miller, 249;
crossed the Hudson, 249,
267; on St. Luc, 254; his
orders relating to deserters,
256; to meet St. Leger at
Albany, 257, 258; com-
plained of the treatment of
prisoners, 261; sent supplies
to his officers, 263; de-
fended himself against the
aspersions of Gen. Gates,
264-265; on Saratoga
Heights, 267, 300; com-
pared to Gen. Gates, 274;
his reasons for not follow-
ing the advice of Fraser
and Phillips, 275; his death
reported, 277; heard of
Clinton's advance, 278;
criticised in his own army,
291; baggage destroyed,
301; denied having unnec-
essarily destroyed property,
301; discontent in his army,
302-303; articles of sur-

render given in full, 312-
317; his surrender the turn-
ing point of the Revolution,
318; his meeting with Gen.
Gates, 320; letters to Lord
Germaine, 323; not to be
censured, 323; return of
the killed, wounded and
prisoners of his command,
324; return of his troops,
355; his speech to the In-
dians, 356-360; other
speeches of, cited, 68, 254,
302; biographical notice of,
1 14-1 16; mentioned, v, vi,
vii, I, 2, 16, 18, 56, 65, 117,
123, 136, 139, 150, 170, 192,
194, 197, 198, 211, 219, 220,
239, 243,260, 271,281, 282,
297. 308,313, 314,315, 316,
322, 325,327, 332,333, 335,
337,343,345,348; the Con-
vention of Saratoga, see
Deane, Charles, LL.D.;
his letter to his constitu-
ents, cited, 66; his Orderly-
Book, see O'Callaghan, Ed-
mund B., LL.D.; his State
of the Expedition from
Canada, cited, 15, 21, 24,
49, 50, 69, 112, 175, 325,
327. see, also, Fonblanque,
Edward Barrington, de;
Neilson, Chas.; and Stone,
Col. William L.

Burgoyne, Sir John Fox, son
of Gen. Sir John, 116.

Burgoyne's Light-Horse, 115.

Burke, Sir Bernard, his
Landed Gentry, cited, 181;
his Peerage and Baronet-



age, cited, 86, 87, 104, 112,
116, 156, 160, 327, 338,

Burke, Edmund, denounced
the employment of mercenary
troops, 7; eulogized
Montgomery, 101.

Burcaco, the battle of, Gen.
Howarth at, 328.

Cab riding, 180.

Cambridge, Mass., Lieut.
Digby at, vii; officers
quartered at, 50; Balcarres at,
87; Gen. Thompson at,
107; flags displayed at,
161; Gen. Gates at, 170;
Gen. Phillips at, 175; Col.
Morgan at, 270; Gen.
Learned at, 282; Capt.
Bunbury at, 345; Capt.
Shrimpton at, 350; mentioned,
59, 212, 216, 326.

Campbell, Capt. Alexander,
carried a dispatch from
Burgoyne to Gen. Clinton,

Canada, Lieut. Digby in, vi,
vii; Forty-third Regiment
in, vi, 2; Americans
triumphant in, 3, 8; Gen.
Carleton to remain in, 14;
Gen. Montgomery's campaign
in, 19; Gen. Amherst
in, 135; Gen. Gates in, 170;
mentioned, v, 3, 21, 38, 39,
41, 55, 65, 83, 92, 93, 110,
114, 119, 122, 123, 124, 129,
133, 149, 171, 173, 176, 180,
187, 188, 189, 193, 194, 197,
198, 199, 200, 203, 218, 226,

240, 253, 257, 258, 279, 282,
283,285,300, 316, 326, 329,
330, 332, 336, 345, 347, 348,
349, 352; Arnold's Campaign
for the Conquest of,
see Henry, John Joseph;
Conquest of, see Jones,
Charles H.; The History
of, see Garneau, Francis
Xavier; Nova Scotia and
other British Provinces, see
Buckingham, James Silk;
State of the Expedition
from, see Burgoyne, Lieut.-
Gen. Sir John.

Canadians, Gen. Carleton's
treatment of the, 85, 184;
employed in the British
army, 119, 142, 238; forced
to work in irons, 120;
character of the, 122; do not
bury their dead in the
winter, 183; under
Boucherville and Moning, 193;
under McKay, 300;
deserted, 304; returned to
Canada, 316.

Canoes, how constructed,

Cape Breton, 194, 253.

Cape of Good Hope, Lieut.
Scott at the, 124; Capt.
Pringle in command at the,
48; Capt. Craig governor
of, 167.

Cape Race, 91.

Cape Rosiers, 91.

Cardigan, Capt. Longcroft, in
command of the Sea Fencibles
off, 151.

Caresford, The, 83, 91.



Caribs, the campaign against,
149; Capt. Green in the,

Carib war, Capt. Pilot in the,

Carillon, name given to the
present Ticonderoga by
Montcalm, 127.

Carleton, Gen. Sir Guy, took
refuge in Quebec, 8; forced
Gen. Thomas to retreat, 9,
10; his army divided, 10;
attacked Gen. Arnold at
Montreal, 10; improvised
a navy, 11; pushed on to
Crown Point, 12; eluded
by Arnold, 12; destroyed
the American fleet, 12;
prudence dictated to him to
withdraw his army, 13, 18;
stationed parts of his army
along the St. Lawrence,
13; in winter quarters at
Quebec, 13; criticised by
Lord Germaine and others,
13; arrival of Burgoyne,
14; appointed commander
of the Canadian department,
14; letter to Lord
Germaine, 14; departure of
Burgoyne, 16; asked to
garrison Ticonderoga, 21-22;
did not assist Burgoyne
in the campaign, 22, 27;
Burgoyne accused of
artfully supplanting him, 68;
in command of the northern
army, 84; friend of Gen.
Montgomery, 100; at the
defence of Quebec, 102;
drove the enemy to Fort

Sorel, 103; waited for ship,
103-104; treated prisoners
humanely, 108, 133;
encouraged the hiring of
Indians, 121; his orders to
arrest all rebels, 133; on
the Maria, 157; sent troops
to Crown Point, 162; elated
at the capture of Col.
Waterbury, 163; paroled
the prisoners, 166; the
Americans impatient for
him to approach, 172; close
to Crown Point, 172; did
not follow the advice of
Burgoyne and Phillips, 172;
complimented by Burgoyne,
172; reconnoitered
the enemy's lines, 174-175;
his character, 183, 184;
criticised for not taking
Ticonderoga, 187, 188;
letters to and from Germaine,
238, 258; commander-in-
chief, 247; suspected St.
Luc of treachery, 253;
Burgoyne to notify him of
the surrender, 316; sent
messenger to England, 318;
biographical notice of, 84-
86; mentioned, v, 9, 38,
69, 71, 113, 120, 123, 130,
132, 140, 145, 157, 158, 167,
182, 196, 197, 332, 333, 338,
339, 341, 348, 349, 352.

Carleton, Gen. Sir Guy,
Letters of, cited, 123.

Carleton, Lady Maria Howard,
wife of Gen. Sir Guy,
145, 148.

Carleton, The, launched, 139;



named, 145; commanded
by. Lieut. Dacres, 152;
mentioned, 148, 151, 158,

Carlisle, Pa., Gen.
Thompson's death at, 108.

Carlisle, Pa., Gazette, The,
cited, 127.

Carriole, a, described, 180,

Carter, Capt. John, destroyed
baggage at Skeensborough,
205-206; his spirited
conduct, 223; biographical
notice of, 205, 206.

Cartier, Capt. Jacques,
discovered the Island of
Anticosti, 97; named the
present Island of Orleans, Isle
of Bacchus, 103; his
Journal Historique, cited, 103.

Caryole, see Carriole.

Case, the Rev. Wheeler,
Poems of, cited, 320.

Castletown, Gen. St. Clair at,
218; Burgoyne issued a
proclamation for the people
to send deputies to, 233;
mentioned, 21.

Cataracony, de Boucherville
born at, 193.

Catherine, Queen of Russia,
refused to assist George
III., 5, 6; called "Sister
Kitty," 6.

Catlin, George, his American
Indians, cited, i2i.

Cedars, The, 84.

Cerberus, The, at Boston,
115; humorous lines upon,

Ceres, The, commanded by
Dacres, 139.

Chambersburg, 137.

Chambly Rapids, 151.

Champlain, Lake, see Lake

Champlain, Samuel de, named
the Island of Anticosti, 97;
called the present Richelieu
River the River of the
Iroquois, 103; named Lake
St. Peters, 113; probably
visited the site of
Ticonderoga, 126-127; named
the Isle-aux Noix, 135;
discovered Lake George,
214; his Voyages, cited,
97, 113, 127.

Charibs, see Caribs.

Charlestown, Mass., Col.
Nesbit at the burning of,

Charlestown, S. C., 195, 246.

Charlevoix, P. F. X. de, his
History of New France,
cited, 97; his letters to the
Duchess de Lesdiguires,
cited, 103, 104.

Chatham, 330,

Chatham, the Earl of, de-
nounced the employment
of mercenary troops, 7;
upon the surrender of Bur-
goyne, 65.

Cheeseman, 134.

Cheltenham, death of Col.
Green at, 27-8.

Cherbourg, Gen. Burgoyne at
the attack of, 1 15.

Cheonderoga, former name of
Ticonderoga, 126.



Cherokees, campaign against
the, 234, 310.

Chesapeake Bay, Howe's fleet
in the, 321.

Chippewas, The, under Lang-
lade, 254, 255.

Clarke, Capt. Sir Francis Carr,
information obtained by,
160, 164; discussed the
merits of the Revolution
with Gates, 171; favorite
aid-de-camp of Burgoyne,
171, 306; killed, 160, 291,
338; succeeded by Maj.
Kingston, 305; biograph-
ical notice of, 160; men-
tioned, 161.

Clinton, Francis Fiennes,
grandfather of Sir Henry,

Clinton, George, father of Sir
Henry, former governor of
New York, 246.

Clinton, Gen. Sir Henry, in
command at New York, 25;
Burgoyne sent a messenger
to urge him up the Hudson,
27, 28, 248, 249, 277, 279,
346; a letter from him
reached Burgoyne, 32, 33;
about to ascend the river,
33; a messenger of, taken
prisoner, 33, 284; letters to
Burgoyne, 33, 34, 246, 275;
letters from Burgoyne, 35,
, 36, 123, 124; captured Forts
Montgomery and Clinton,
45, 47; burned Kingston
and returned to New York,
46; his progress up the
Hudson alarmed Gates, 49;

offered to renew the obliga-
tion of the convention at
Saratoga, 59; ceased to sup-
ply the convention prison-
ers, 62; superseded by Gen.
Carleton, 84; in Boston,
155; criticised for his weak
attempt to assist Burgoyne,
246; reported advance up
the river, 278; Burgoyne
waited to hear from him,
279,285,310,311,312; bio-
graphical notice of, 246, 247;
mentioned, 19, 314, 319,
345; his narrative cited,
247; his Observations on
Stedman's History of the
American War, cited, 247.

Clinton, Gen. James, received
an interrupted letter from
Sir Henry Clinton to Bur-
goyne, 33, 34.

Codfish, strange story of the,

Codlands, early name of New-
foundland, 91.

Coffin, Sir Isaac, named the
Bird Islands, 92.

Coffin's Islands, 92.

Cogswell, M., teacher of Gen.
Arnold, 146.

Collections of the New Hamp-
shire Historical Society,
cited, 233.

Collections of the Wisconsin
Historical Society, cited,

College de Louis-le-Grand,

Collins, Arthur, his Peerage,
cited, 86.



Colonial History of New-
York, see O'Callaghan,
Edmund B., LL. D.

Colors of the captured regi-
ments said to have been left
in Canada, 54, 55; proved
to be false, 55, 56, 74, see

Congress, The Continental,
Gen. Sullivan a delegate to,
10; Gen. Gates before, 170;
Gens. Schuyler and St.
Clair before, 24 1, 242; men-
tioned, 61, 62, 63, 99, 161,
164, 166, 194,283,313.

Congress, The, burnt, 162;
commanded by Arnold,

Connecticut, proposed opera-
tions in, 25; Whitcomb a
native of, 131; mentioned,
146, 162, 193.

Connecticut, History of, see
Hollister, G. H.

Connecticut, The, burnt, 162;
commanded by Grant, 163.

Connel, Ensign Morgan,
wounded and a prisoner,
333; nothing further known
of him, 336.

Continental army, 218, sec
American troops. The, 218.

Cooke, Lieut. John, killed at
Freeman's Farm, 332; bio-
graphical notice of, 332.

Cooke, John Eesten, his Life
of Daniel Morgan, cited,

Cooper, 134.

Copenhagen, Capt. Blome-
field at the siege of, 326.

Cork, Cove of, the troops
sailed from, 4, 83, 98, 151,

Cornwallis, Lord, the surren-
der of, 70, 219, 247; Gen.
Gates served under, 169;
governor of Halifax, 169;
Gen. Money on the staff of,
290; mentioned, 39, 195.

Correspondence in the Public
Record Office, cited, 4.

Corrica, Capt. Greene in, 278.

Cortereal, Capt. Gasper, seized
natives for slaves, 95.

Coudres, Isle aux, see Isle-

Council of Censors, 166.

Court and City Register, cited,

Coutty, Samuel, father of
Anne Reynell, 339.

Cove of Cork, see Cork, Cove

Coveville, formerly Davagot,

Cowpens, the battle of. Col.
Morgan at, 271.

Craig, Capt. James H., cap-
tured thirty men at Sorel
river, 126; went with the
flag of truce to the Ameri-
can lines, 166, 167; took
dispatches to England, 167,
318; prepared a letter to
Wilkinson, 310; biograph-
ical notice of, 166-168.

Cream carried in a basket and
sold by weight, 180.

Creasy, Sir Edward, his Fif-
teen Decisive Battles of the
World, cited, 74.



Crown Point, Arnold and
Sullivan fall back to, ii,
12; Carleton withdrew his
troops from, 13, 18; used
as a hospital and magazine
by Burgoyne, 15; formerly
called Fort St. Frederick,
126; captured by Gen. Am-
herst, 127; captured by Col.
Warner, 127; Gen. Water-
bury at, 163; Lieut. Digby
at, 164; commanded by
Maj. Heartley, 165; weakly
garrisoned, 174; feu-de-
joy at, 225; mentioned, 21,
117, 135, 147, 162, 177, 200.

Crown Point, name given by
Gen. Money to his estate,
290; death of Gen. Money
at, 290.

Cuba, Capt. Stapleton in the
expedition against, 347.

Culbertson, Alexander, father
of Lieut, Joseph, 137.

Culbertson, Lieut. Joseph,
murdered by Indians, 135,
136; biographical notice of,
137, 138.

Culbertson, Margaret, mother
of Lieut. Joseph, 137.

Culbertson, Robert, in the
Pennsylvania line, 137.

Culbertson, Samuel, in the
Pennsylvania line, 137.

Culbertson's Row, 137.

Cullen, Lieut. Wm., wounded,
331; biographical notice of,

Cumberland Bay, Americans
cruising in the, 177.

Cumberland county, 137.

Cumberland valley, 126.

Curray, see Currie.

Currie, Lieut. Samuel, killed,
334; biographical notice of,

Curwen, Samuel, his Journals
and Letters, cited, 171.

Dacres, Lieut. James Richard,
commanded the Carleton,
139,152; Longcroft served
under, 151; biographical
notice, 139. ,.

Danterroche, Ensign Henry,
a prisoner, 337; biograph-
ical notice, 346.

Davacot, see Dovegat.

Davagot, see Dovegat.

Davis, commander of the Lee,

Dearborn, Lieut.-Col. Henry,
leader of the New England
troops, 38, 39; biographical
notice of, 38, 39.

Deane, Charles, LL. D., his
Lieut.-Gen. John Burgoyne
and the Convention of Sara-
toga, cited, 57.

De Antroch, see Danterroche.

Deer, an abundance of, 154,

De Fermoy, Gen. Roche, 20.

Delaware river, The, 161, 282,
319- 321.

Demarara, Kingston, Lieu-
tenant-Governor of, 306.

Denmark, 95.

Denys, Nicholas, a map of,
cited, 92.

De Peyster, Gen. John Watts,
cited, 20.



Derby, the Earl of, a daughter
of, married Gen. Burgoyne,

Destruction Bay, 176.

De Warrville, J. P. Brissot,
visited Gen. Heath, 62; his
New Travels in the United
States of America, cited,

Dickenson, , commanded
the Enterprise, 164.

Dieskau, Baron Ludwig Au-
gust, at Fort Miller, 244.

Digby, Lieutenant William,
but little known of his per-
sonal history, vi, 1-2; en-
tered the British army, vi;
in Ireland, vi, 2, 3; at Que-
bec, vi, 104; embarked for
America, vi; at Chambly,
vi, 118; followed the for-
tunes of Burgoyne and pa-
roled at Cambridge, vii;
on duty in Canada, vii, 2;
retired from the service, vii;
anchored off the Isle-aux-
Coudres, 102; at the Island
of Orleans, 103; at Point
Neuf, 105; at Trois Riv-
ieres, 106; lost a particu-
lar friend, 109; at Lake St.
Peter, 113; before Fort
Sorel, 113; at St. Denis,
116; at Belloeville, 1 18; at
Montreal, 1 20; at St. Johns,
I35> 139; sick, 148-149; his
brother-in-law, 149; went to
Riviere-la-Cole, 1 50; on the
Loyal Convert, 150, 152; at
Point au Fer, 152; ordered
to Crown Point, 162; at

Crown Point, 164; at Riv-
iere Sable, 173; bound for
Canada, 176; for St. Johns,
177-178; at Bouquet river,
200; before Ticonderoga,
206; on Mount Independ-
ence, 208-210; marched
toward Skeensborough,
219-220; delayed, 226; de-
parted for Fort Anne, 233;
left Fort Anne, 239; near
Fort Edward, 240; at Fort
Miller, 244; ordered back,
245; at Batten Kill, 249.
253; crossed the Hudson,
267; foraging, 286; in the
retreat, 293; at Dovegat,
297; on the heights of Sara-
toga, 300; for Fort Edward,
300; baggage destroyed,
301; at the burning of
Schuyler's house, 301-302;
surrender of the army, 310-
317; prepared to march,
317; mentioned, 20, 116,
133, 135- 150, 158, 161, 181,
184, 192, 217, 234, 250, 275,
277, 278, 283, 284, 290, 301,
317, 340, 361.

Documents relating to the
Colonial History of New
York, see O'Callaghan, Ed-
mund B., LL. D.

Don, Lieut. John, wounded,
344; biographical notice of,

Dorchester, the Baron of,

Douglas, Sir Charles, com-
mander of the Isis, 104;
biographical notice of, 104.



Douglas, Lieut. James, killed,
330, 335; biographical no-
tice of, 330.

Doulin, see Dowling.

Dovegat, Gen. Burgoyne at,
29; the retreat to, 41; army
moved from,42; lines formed
at, 297; now called Cove-
ville, 297; origin of the
name, 297; long halt at,

Dowlin, see Dowling.

Dowling, Lieutenant James,
wounded, 332, 333; bio-
graphical notice of, 335.

Dowling, Captain Richard,
wounded, 332, 334; bio-
graphical notice of, 334.

Doyle, Lieutenant William,
wounded, 335; biograph-
ical notice of, 338-339.

Dublin, Captain Henry Pilot,
town major of, 150; men-
tioned, 49, 221, 222.

Duer's house, the head-quar-
ters of Burgoyne, 244, 337.

Duncan, F., his History of the
Royal Artillery, cited, 175,
206, 207, 287, 325, 327, 328,

Dundas, Col. Francis, accom-
panied Arnold, 246.

Dunford, see Durnford.

Dunlap, William, his History
of New York, cited, 247.

Dunmore, John Murray, Earl
of, 319.

Durham, N. H., 10.

Durnford, Captain Andrew, a
prisoner, 338; biographical
notice of, 346.

Edinburgh, Captain Pringle
died at, 148; Gen. St. Clair
born in, 218.

Egle, William H., M. D., vi,
127, 138.

Eighth Foot, 344.

Eighty-fifth Foot, 353.

Eighty-first Foot, 351.

Eighty-fourth Foot, 331.

Eighty-second Foot, 167.

Eighty-sixth Foot, 306.

Eighty-third Foot, 348, 349.

Eleventh Dragoons, 115.

Eleventh Foot, 196, 305.

Eleventh Regiment of Massa-
chusetts, 211.

England, the people opposed
to hiring German troops, 6-
7; Burgoyne sailed for, 13-
14, 59; the disaster of Bur-
goyne not unexpected in,
64-66; Capt. Craig took
dispatches to, 167; the re-
ception of the news of Bur-
goyne's surrender in, 318-
319; mentioned, 5, 14, 51,
52, 56, 65, 87,95, 103, 115,
124, 139, 140, 147, 148, 149,
150, 151, 173, 174, 194, I99"
203, 207, 222, 223, 226, 234,
278,290,310, 322, 325, 334,
336,346,349, 350, 351, 353-

England, Histories of, see
Adolphus, John; Knight,
Charles, and Mahon, Lord.

England, Lieut. Poole, a pris-
oner, 345; biographical no-
tice of, 349.

Enterprise, The, commanded
by Dickenson, 104;
mentioned, 144, 162.



Eskmouth, Scotland, 104.

Esquimaux, The, in New-
foundland, 93; origin of the
name of, 93; ate raw flesh,
93; described, 93-96.

Etiquette, a poem, 313, 314.

Europe, the eyes of, on Bur-
goyne's army, 259; men-
tioned, 51.

Exeter, N. H,, 282.

Expedition of Lieut.-Colonel
Barry St. Leger, see Stone,
Col. William L.

Falkirk, the battle of, 234.

Farmington, Mass., General
Learned born at, 282.

Farquar, Captain William,
wounded, 332; biograph-
ical notice of, 335.

Featherstone, Lieut. William,
wounded, 344; biograph-
ical notice of, 349.

Federal Constitution, The, 62.

Felinghausen, Gen. Money at
the battle of, 290.

Ferdinand, Prince, 174, 334.

Ferentes d'Onore, battle of,
Howarth at the, 328.

Ferguson, Col., 213.

Fetherston, see Featherstone.

Field Book of the Revolution,
see Lossing, Benson J.

Fielding, Adjutant Isaac,
wounded, 349; biograph-
ical notice of, 353.

Fifteen Decisive Battles of
the World, see Creasy, Sir

Fifteenth Foot, The, 198.

Fifty-fifth Foot, The, 86.

Fifty-sixth Foot, The, 335;
Historical Record of, cited,

Fifty-third Grenadiers, The,

Fifty-third Regiment of Foot,
The, Lieut. Digby in, vi;
organized, 2; uniform of, 2;
in Ireland, vi, 2; ordered to
Canada, vi, 2; Capt. Scott
a member of, 36; a portion
of it at the capture of Ti-
conderoga, 37, 124; men-
tioned, 86, 109, no, 181,
196,203,221, 245,277, 332;
Historical Record of, cited,
203, 245, 332.

Filbert Island, named by Car-
tier, 98, see Isle-aux-Cou-

First Foot, The, 128, 234;
Historical Record of, cited,

Fish Creek, 42.

Fish Kiln, 298, 299.

Fitch, Asa, his Survey of
Washington County, cited,

Fitzgerald, Adjutant George
Tobias, killed, 336; bio-
graphical notice of, 344.

Fitzmaurice, Lord Edmond,
his Life of William, Earl of
Shelburne, cited, 65, 70,
238, 239, 322.

Flag, The American, Sir Fran-
cis Clarke on, 160-161; de-
scribed, 161, 234-235; ac-
count of, 161; different
ones, 161; materials used
in making one for Fort



Schuyler, 161; of Liberty,
?20 1, see Colors.

Fleet, The American, on Lake
Champlain, 162-164.

Fleet; The English, on Lake
Champlain, 152.

Florida, ceded to Great Brit-
ain, 149, 347; Capt. Greene
in, 278; Lieut. Wright in,
329; Capt. Harris in, 331;
Lieut. Currie in, 336; Capt.
Stapleton in, 347; Gen.
Whitemore in, 347.

Fonblanque, Edward Barring-
ton de, his Life of Sir John
Burgoyne, cited, 7, 13, 33,
42, 74, 83, 112, 116, 124,
168, 171, 204, 284, 298,

Fort Anne, the Americans re-
tired to, 221; built by Col.
Nickerson, 221; described,
221; Captain Montgomery
wounded and taken a pris-
oner at, 221; Col. Hill be-
fore, 224; destroyed, 224;
the victory at, of no great
benefit to the English, 227;
the army advanced toward,
233; Lieut. Westropp killed
at, 234; march from, 239;
Lieut. Stevelly wounded at,
352; Lieuts. Fielding and
Murray wounded at, 353.

Fort Arnold, 60.

Fort Chamble, sec Fort Cham-

Fort Chambly, Gen. Burgoyne
to command the expedition
against, 114-116; described,
116, 128; captured by the

Americans, 1 16, 128; retreat
from, 118; mentioned, vi,
11, 117, 120, 129, 131.

Fort Cumberland, Gen. Gates
at, 169.

Fort Du Quesne, Sutherland
at the surrender of, 310.

Fort Edward, Gen. Schuyler
at, 19; in possession of the
Americans, 44, 46; army
encamped near, 240; the
retreat from, 242; men-
tioned, 25, 37, 44, 228, 233,
259, 262, 292, 297, 300, 302,
337, 354-

Fort Frederic, see Fort St.

Fort George, account of, 227-
228; erected by Montcalm,
227; named for the Duke
of York, 228; heavy bag-
gage at, 240, 247; a regi-
ment ordered back to, 245;
mentioned, 39, 256, 302.

Fortieth Foot, The, 210, 211.

Fort Independence, General
Riedesel before, 19; men-
tioned, 205, 214, sec Mount

Fort la Mothe, formerly Fort
St. Anne, 143.

Fort Ligonier, Gen. St. Clair
in command at, 218.

Fort Miller, evacuated by the
Americans, 244; account
of, 244; denominated as
Duer's house, 244; Gen.
Burgoyne at, 249.

Fort Montgomery captured
by Gen. Clinton, 124;
mentioned, 33, 36.



Fort St. Anne, formerly called
Fort la Mothe, 143.

Fort St. Frederic, former name
of Crown Point, 126, 135.

Fort St. Johns, Gen. Sullivan
driven to, 10, 118; Gen.
Burgoyne's departure from,
16; Burgoyne's expedition
against, 114-116; captured
by the Americans, 116; first
erected by Montcalm, 116;
vessels built at, 120; cap-
tured, 128; Lieut. Digby
at, 135, 139; troops assem-
bled at, 188; captured by
Gen. Montgomery, 300;
mentioned, 11, 13, 125, 129,
131, 140, 149. I54" 170, 173,
176, 177, 201.

Fort St.. Louis, the present
site of Fort Chambly, 1 16.

Fort St. Phillip, 333.

Fort Schuyler, St. Leger sent
to, 18; Gen. Gansevoort at,
19; St. Leger at, 23, 161;
flag made for, 161; formerly
Fort Stanwix, 258.

Fort Sorel, origin of the name,
103; the Americans driven
to, 103, 114; Lieut. Digby
at, 113.

Fort Stanwix, unsuccessful
expedition to, 257; account
of, 257-258; repaired
by Gen. Schuyler, 258.

Fort Ticonderoga, see

Fort William, Gen. Burgoyne
governor of, 189, 229.

Fort William Henry, the
destruction of, 227.

Forty-eighth Foot, The, 256,

Forty-fifth Foot, The, 123.

Forty-fourth Foot, The, 221.

Forty-second Foot, The, 86.

Forty-seventh Foot, The, 114,
144, 182, 300, 330, 335, 349.

Forty-seventh Foot, The His-
torical Record of, cited, 182,

Forty-seventh Light Infantry,

Forty-seventh Regiment, The,
144, 196, 221.

Forty-sixth Foot, The, 155,

Forty-sixth Foot, The
Historical Record of, cited, 156.

Foster's Peerage and Orders
of Knighthood, cited, 87.

Fourth Foot, The, 114, 344.

Fox, Charles James, on Lord
Germaine, 238; eulogized
Gen. Montgomery, 101.

Fox, Elizabeth, wife of
Stephen, 338.

Fox, Stephen, father of Ste-
phen Digby Strangways,

Foxes, The, under Langlade,
254, 255-

France, the partial sympathy
of, for the Americans, 7;
mentioned, 95, 207, 334,

Francis Ebenezer, father of
Col. Ebenezer, 211.

Francis, Col. Ebenezer, killed,
211; biographical notice of,
211-213; mentioned, 329,
332, 350.



Francis, Rachel Whitemore,
mother of Col, Ebenezer,
211; her grief at the loss of
her son, 212, 213.

Fraser, Lieut. Alexander, sent
to head off the Americans,
107; sent to reconnoiter,
122; biographical notice of,

Fraser, Gen. Simon, took
possession of Mount Hope,
19, 202; succeeded by
Balcarres, 87; Riedesel sent
to help him, 217; sent his
prisoners to Ticonderoga,
219; praised by Burgoyne,
224, 225; bravery of, 274;
advised Burgoyne to advance,
275; wounded, 287-
290; died, 293-296; burial
of, 296; mentioned, 16, 30,
31, 32, 37. 38, 39> 40, 41,
111, 122, 140, 161, 177, 193,
207, 208, 220, 223, 224, 235,
236, 251,329, 344.

Fraser, Lieut.-Col. Simeon, had
charge of the troops that
sailed from Cork, 4; sent to
reconnoiter, 142; returned
with but little information,
143; took a prisoner, 174;
killed, 335; biographical no-
tice of, 83; mentioned, 109,
193. 300, 352.

Frazier, see Fraser.

Frederick, Prince, 197.

Freeman's Farm, the battle
of, Lieut. Scott at, 123;
Lieut. Craig wounded at,
167; Lieut. Lucas killed
at, 332; Lieut. Cooke killed

at, 332; Captain Lind
wounded at, 332, 333; Capt.
Stanley wounded at, 332,
335; Maj. Agnew wounded
at, 337; Ensign Taylor
killed at, 342; Capt. Swet-
tenham wounded at, 347;
Capt. Ramsey wounded at,
348; Lieut. Prince wounded
at, 352; Capt. Jones killed
at, 325; mentioned, 30.

French, declaration of war of
the, 322.

Frothingham, the Hon. Rich-
ard, his Siege of Boston,
cited, 1 14, 156, 247.

Gage, Gen. Thomas, charac-
terized the Americans as
lawless, 3-4; mentioned,
318, 319.

Gansevoort, Gen. Peter, had
a flag made for Fort Schuy-
ler, 19, 161; biographical
notice of, 19.

Gardner, Capt. Henry Faring-
ton, sent with dispatches to
England, 222, 223, 226;
biographical notice of, 222-

Garneau, Francis Xavier, his
History of Canada, cited,
85, 86, 184, 254.

Gates, Gen. Horatio, super-
seded Gen. Schuyler, 29,
242; tardy with reinforce-
ments, 30; refused to make
a night attack, 32, 291;
encamped south of Fish Creek,
44; Burgoyne proposed a
treaty of surrender, 47, 57-



58, 259, 306; accused by
Burgoyne of sending part
of his troops to Albany, 47,
48; his army in order of
battle, 48; treaty signed,
48; alarmed by information
of Clinton's progress, 49,
50; blamed for too liberal
concessions, 50; the
surrender, 50, 51; delayed in
sending information of the
surrender to Washington,
50-51; remarks of La Fayette
concerning, 51; asked
concerning the military
chests and colors, 54-55;
carelessness in regard to
the surrender, 55-56;
offered the command at
Ticonderoga, 168, 204, 218;
confidence of Congress in,
168, 169; letter to General
Schuyler, 172; letters to
and from Burgoyne, 237,
259-265, 296, 306, 308, 309;
met Madam Riedesel, 242;
defended his soldiers from
the accusation of
inhumanity, 261-263; accused
Burgoyne of employing
Indians, 262; proposed to
Morgan to desert Washing-
ton, 271; his revenge, 271;
compared to Burgoyne, 274;
orders of, 281-284; met
Lady Acland, 298-299;
sent message to Burgoyne
by Maj. Kingston, 307;
annoyed by the delay, 311;
articles of convention given
in full, 312-317; met Bur-

goyne, 49, 320-321; returns
of his army, 354; biograph
ical notice of, 168-171;
mentioned, 37, 70, 269, 281,
301,307,309, 311, 315, 316,

Gentleman's Magazine, The,
cited, 104, 199, 333.

George I, grandfather of Sir
William Howe, 155.

George III, determined to
chastise the colonists, 5;
applied for help to Cathe-
rine of Russia, Germany and
Holland, 5,6; bitter feeling
against, 6, 7; elated at the
capture of Ticonderoga, 21;
hired German troops, 110;
fell into agonies at hearing
of the surrender of Bur-
goyne, 318; mentioned,
199, 229, 322.

George III, Journal of the
Reign of, see Walpole,

Georgia, Capt. Durnford in,

Georgian Era, The, cited, 290.

Germaine, Lord George,
designated Washington as
"Mr.," 3; criticised Gen.
Carleton, 13; letters to
Carleton, 14, 238, 258;
elated at the capture of
Ticonderoga, 20, 21; letters
from Burgoyne, 21, 24-27,
323; said Gen. Howe had
ruined his plans, 64-65;
assailed, 66; hostile to
Burgoyne, 66-67; published a
pamphlet against Burgoyne,



69; the sacrifice of Burgoyne's
army due to a blunder
of, 70, 322; obliged to
retire from office, 70; the
capture of Waterbury re-
ported to, 163; minister
for American affairs,- 237;
character of, 238; advised
the employment of Indians,
237-238; compared to Dr.
Sangrado, 238; conduct of,
in Germany, 239; detested
by his associates, 239;
Luttrell and Wilkes on, 239;
planned the campaign, 258;
mentioned, 65, 314.

German troops, the, hired to
assist George III, 6; the
people of England opposed
to hiring them, 6, 7; feeling
of the Americans against,
110-111; feeling in Ger-
many against, III; behavior
of, 250-252; deserted, 256;
equipments of, 260; consid-
eration of their ability, 288-
289, 303; not cowardly, 289.

Germantown, the battle of,
Gen. Sullivan at, 10.

Germany, asked to assist
George III, 6, 7; Gen. Phillips
won distinction in, 174;
Lord Germaine in, 239; Maj.
Agnew in, 337; mentioned,
95, 122, 123, 334, see Ger-
man troops, the.

Gibralter, Lieut. Scott in, 123;
Capt. Craig born at, 166;
Capt. Scott in, 181; Col.
Wright at, 245; Captain
Green born in, 277; Maj.

Williams at, 287; Capt.
Bowling at, 334; Capt.
Stanley at, 335; Capt.
Farquar at, 335; Maj. Agnew
at, 337-

Glover, Gen. John, advanced
money to Burgoyne, 59;
biographical notice of, 59-

Glover's Marblehead
Regiment, 59-60.

Gondola, the, used by
Carleton, described, 11.

Gordon, Gen. Patrick, shot by
Whitcomb, 128-131; indig-
nation in the British army
concerning his death, 130,
132; feeling in the Ameri-
can army concerning, 130;
Lieut. Currie served under,
336; biographical notice of,
128-130; mentioned, 131.

Grafton, The, 151.

Graham, James, his Life of
Col. Daniel Morgan, cited,
207, 271.

Grahame, the Rev. James, his
History of the United
States, cited, in.

Grampus, The, 59.

Grant, Cornet James, his
unsuccessful attempt to reach
Gen. Clinton, 248, 346; taken
prisoner, 339; biographical
notices of, 248, 346.

Grant, Maj. Robert, killed,
210, 211; biographical no-
tice of, 210-21 1; mentioned,
335. 337-

Grant, , commander of
the Connecticut, 163.



Great Britain, Florida ceded
to, 104, 347; Louisiana
ceded to, 351; mentioned,
vi, 119, 176, 178, 188, 189,
191, 199, 259, 313.

Green, Captain Charles,
wounded, 277, 278; bio-
graphical notice of, 277-

Greene, Gen. Nathaniel, St.
Clair served under, 219;
mentioned, 10.

Greenland, 95.

Grenada, Capt. Green coast
governor of, 278.

Grenville, Lord, 313.

Grimes, commander of
the Jersey, 163.

Grout, Abigail, married Col.
Hale, 215.

Hadden, Gen. James M., his
Journal and Orderly Books,
see Rogers, Col. Horatio.

Haggart, Lieut. James, killed,
342; biographical notice of,

Haight Hall, death of Gen.
Carleton at, 87.

Hakluyt, Richard, his
Voyages, cited, 97.

Halcyon Days of Old
England, The, 319.

Haldemann, Gen. Sir Fred-
erick, lost Ticonderoga, 127.

Hale, Moses, father of Col.
Nathan, 215.

Hale, Col. Nathan, taken pris-
oner, 215; biographical no-
tice of, 215-216.

Half Moon, the camp at, 266.


Haliburton, Thomas C, his
History of Nova Scotia,
cited, 137.

Halifax, German colors sent
to, 55; Lord Cornwallis
governor of, 169; men-
tioned, 137, 167, 182.

Hall, Hiland, LL.D., his His-
tory of Vermont, cited, 194.

Hamilton, Gen. James Inglis,
proposed exchange of, 108;
biographical notice of, 196,
197; mentioned, 337.

Hampshire Grants, the, 24.

Hampstead, N. H., Col. Hale
born at, 215.

Hampton, N. H., 38.

Hancock, John, 85.

Harnage, Major Henry,
wounded, 337, 340, 341;
biographical notice of, 344-
345; mentioned, 272, 294,

Harnage, Mrs., 339.

Harris, Capt. John Adolphus,
wounded, 33 1; biographical
notice of, 331-332.

Harrisburg, Va., vi, 127.

Hartford, Conn., 300.

Hartley, Maj. Thomas, in
command at Crown Point,
165; accused of cruelty, 172;
biographical notice of, 165-
166; mentioned, 138.

Harvey, Lieutenant Stephen,
killed, 336; biographical no-
tice of, 340-341.

Harvey, see also Hervey.

Havana, Ligonier in the
expedition against, 234;
Sutherland in the expedition



against, 310: Blomefield at
the capture of. 326 : Harris
served in, 331; mentioned,

Havre de Grace, Blomefield
at the bombardment of, 326.

Hawley, commander of the
Royal Savage, 163.

Hazel nuts in abundance, 98.

Heartley, sec Hartley.

Heath, Gen. William, urged
the hasty removal of the
British convention prisoners
from Boston, 51-52; letters
from Washington to, 52, 108;
complicated affairs concern-
ing furnishing rations to the
troops, 53; confined Gen.
Phillips to the limits of his
house and garden, 175; bio-
graphical notice of, 61-62;
the Memoirs of, cited, 62,

Heights of Abraham, the, St.
Clair at, 218; mentioned.
84. _

Hendricks, 134.

Henry, John Joseph, his Campaign
against Quebec, cited, 1
lO1, 108, 134.

Henry Patrick, a letter of.
cited. 51.

Henry, The, missing, 91.

Herriot, George, his Travels
through Canada, cited, 90. 1

Hervey, Earl. General Bur-
goyne's letter to, cited, 204.

Hervey, Ensign George,
wounded, 337 : biograph-
ical notice of. 345; men-
tioned, 272. I

Hesse Hanau Regiment, The

Hewitt's Tavern, 247.

Higby, Dr. Moses. 34.

Hill, Lieut.-Col. John, the
colors of his regiment
presented to the king. 56;
before Fort Anne, 224;
biographical notice of, 224,

Hinton. J. H., his History- of
the United States, cited,
127, 137-

Historical Magazine. The,
cited, 175, 299,
Historical Record of the

Fifty-sixth Foot. The,
cited, 335.

Historical Record of the
Fifty-third Foot, The, cited,
2, 203, 245, 332.

Historical Record of the First
Foot, The, cited, 235.

Historical Record of the
Forty-seventh Foot, The,
cited, 182, 335.

Historical Record of the
Forty-sixth Foot, The,
cited, 156.

Historical Record of the
Ninth Foot. The, cited, 56,
221.222,225, 235, 329, 347.

Historical Record of the
Sixty-second Foot, The,
cited, 330, 344.

Historical Record of the
Thirty-first Foot. The,
cited. 150.

Historical Record of the
Thirty-fourth Foot, The,
cited; 332, 333.



Historical Record of the
Thirty-third Foot, The,
cited, 336.

Historical Record of the
Twentieth Foot, The, cited,
333, 334-

Historical Record of the
Twenty-first Foot, The,
cited, 312, 336, 349.

Historical Record of the
Twenty-fourth Foot, The,
cited, 337, 338.

Historical Record of the
Twenty-ninth Foot, The,
cited, 330.

History of England, The, see
Adolphus, John; Knight,
Charles, and Mahon, Lord.

History of the Siege of
Boston, The, see Frothingham,

History of the United States,
see Graham, the Rev.

Hodgson, Maj.-Gen., at Belle
Isle, 207.

Holland refused to assist
George HI, 6.

Hollister, G. H., his History
of Connecticut, cited, 86.

Hope, The, bound for
England, 103.

Hopkins, Commodore Esek,
sailed for the Delaware,
161; displayed the rattle-
snake flag on his vessel,

Horner, Elizabeth, married
Stephen Fox, 338.

Horner, Thomas Strangeways,

Houghton, Lieut. Charles,
death of, 109; biographical
notice of, 109.

Houghton, Lieut. Richard,
killed, 202; biographical
notice of, 202-203.

Howarth, Lieut. Edward,
wounded, 325; biographical
notice of, 327-328.

Howe, General Lord George
Augustus, fell at Ticonderoga,
156, 241, 258;
succeeded by his brother
Richard, 156; a friend
of Gen. Schuyler, 156,

Howe, Gen. Lord Richard,
death of, 156; biograph-
ical notice of, 156; men-
tioned, 319; Narrative
of his Transactions, cited,

Howe, Gen. Sir William,
addressed a letter to
Washington as "Mr.," 3; obliged
to recognize Washington
with his appropriate title,
3; at New York, 19; to
meet Burgoyne at Albany,
19, 24, 26, 64, 65, 188;
prepared an expedition to
Philadelphia, 19, 25; message
from him intercepted, 25;
Burgoyne waited to hear
from him, 26, 258; failed to
send Clinton to help
Burgoyne, 27, 28; compared to
Burgoyne, 72; the reason
for his not co-operating with
Burgoyne, 72, 321, 322;
unfairly treated, 74; his char-



acter, 74-75; bad news
from, 155; commander in
chief, 187, 246; with the
Southern army, 188;
superseded by Clinton, 246;
to be notified of Burgoyne's
surrender, 316; unpopular,
321-322; biographical
notice of, 155-156;
mentioned, 58, 70, 115, 258, 313,
318, 319; the Narrative
Relating to his Command
in America, cited, 71,

Hubbardton, the battle of,
Balcarres wounded at, 86
Craig wounded at, 167
Francis wounded at, 212
the victory of, of no great
benefit to the English, 227;
Jones wounded at, 330;
Harris wounded at, 331;
Shrimpton wounded at,
350; mentioned, 246, 284,
331, 350.

Hubberton, see Hubbardton.

Huberton, see Hubbardton.

Hudson River, the, Schuyler's
army encamped near, 22;
forts on, held by the
Americans, 19; crossed by
Burgoyne's troops, 28, 249, 267;
Clinton about to ascend, 33;
recrossed by Burgoyne, 41,
302; the army near, 240;
mentioned, 19, 36, 42, 45,
47, 71, 244, 247, 252, 253,
260, 266, 276, 277, 283, 321.

Hudson's Bay, 93.

Huggart, see Haggart.

Hull, 341-

Humphreys, 134.

Hundertmark, George, shot
for desertion, 256.

Hunterdon County, N. J., 270.

Huntington, 163.

Hutchinson, 61.

Hurons, the, probably fought
the Iroquois at Ticonderoga,

Inchbald, Elizabeth, her The
Heiress, cited, 66.

India, Lieut. Scott in, 124.

Indians, the, join the British
army, 120-121, 228-229;
conduct of, 121; their
canoes described, 123-125;
their cruelty to prisoners,
135, 136, 174, 235, 244, 262,
280, 359; in ambush, 143-
144; their silent paddling,
143; their ability to move
quickly through thick
forests, 154; painted a cap
tured prisoner, 174;
commanded by Francis, 193;
ordered not to scalp
prisoners, 200, 359; victorious
in small skirmishes, 201,
243; caused the death of
Houghton, 202; murdered
Miss McCrea, 235;
committed depredations on the
Tories, 236; the employment
of, disliked by
Burgoyne, 237, 238-239;
employment of, advised by
Germaine, 238-239;
commanded by St. Luc, 253;
prepared to desert, 253-
255, 284; commanded by



Langlade, 254-255; Gates'
opinion of, 262, 263; their
lack of true courage, 280;
new recruits of, from Can-
ada, 285; speech to, from
Burgoyne, 356-360; men-
tioned, 250, see Savages.

Inflexible, The, described, 151;
commanded by Schank,i52;
mentioned, 18, 120, 152,

Innuits, original name of the
Esquimaux, 93.

Ilchester, Lord, 338.

Iphigenie, The, captured the
Ceres, 139.

Ireland. Digby on duty in, vi,
2; troops sailed from, 3,
9, 129; Gen. Thompson a
native of, 107; Capt. Scott
in, 181; L'Estrange in, 182;
Capt. Wright in, 245; Capt.
Green in, 278; Capt. Harris
in, 331; Lieut. Cullen in,
332; Lieut. Cooke in, 332;
Col. Lind in, 333; Capt.
Bowling in, 334; Capt.
Sweetenham in, 347; Capt.
Stapleton in, 347; Lieut.
Rowe in, 348; mentioned,
85, 99, 329.

Iroquois, the, tortured prison-
ers, 121; probably fought
the Hurons at Ticonderoga,
127; speech of their chief
to Burgoyne, 360-361;
mentioned, 116.

Iroquois River, the, now
called the Sorel, 103.

Irvine, Col. William, before
Quebec, 107-108; Capt.

Wilson served under, 126;
Capt. Adams served under,

Irving, Washington, his Life
of Washington, cited, 60,

Isis, The, 104.

Island Amott, see Isle la

Island of Coudres, see Isle-

Island of Nuts, 125, see Isle-

Island of Orleans, see Isle of

Island of St. Paul, 91.

Isle-aux-Coudres, so named
by Cartier, 98; Digby an-
chored off the, 102; de-
scribed, 102; earthquake
at, 102; Lieut. Houghton
killed at the, 109; called
Island of Nuts, 125.

Isle-aux-Noix, described, 134-
135; named by Champlain,
135; mentioned, 11, 13,
117, 125, 137, 138, 142, 152,
154, 170.

Isle d'Aix, captured, 333,

Isle la Motte, the, Scott
cruising off, 143; described,
143; named for Sieur la
Mothe, 143; McCoy cap-
tured on, 145; Gen. Eraser
at, 178.

Isle of Bacchus, name given
to the present Island of
Orleans by Cartier, 103.

Isle of Guernsey, Gen. Am
herst governor of, 136.



Isle of Wight, the, Sir William
Howe, Lieut.-governor
of, 155-

Isles aux Oyseaux, described,

Jackson's Creek, 142.

Jamaica, Dacres in command
at, 140; Salons in, 353.

Jealousy between the
English and German troops,

Jefferson, Thomas,
entertained Gen. Phillips, 175;
mentioned, 39.

Jefferson, Thomas, Life of, see
Randolph, Thomas Jefferson.

Jersey, The, captured, 162;
commanded by Grimes, 163.

Jessop, see Jessup.

Jessup, Ebenezer, biographical
notice of, 194, 195.

Jessup, Edward, biographical
notice of, 194-195.

Jessup, Prof. Henry G., 195.

Jesuits, the, 121.

Jogues, Pere Isaac, visited and
named Lake George, 214.

John of Gaunt, granted man-
ors to the Burgoyne family,

Johnson, Sir John, accom-
panied St. Leger, 257; the
inhumanity of his regiment,
257; the Orderly Books of,
cited, 257.

Johnson, Ensign William,
taken prisoner, 330; noth-
ing known of his subsequent
fate, 330.

Johnson, Gen. William, named
Lake George, 214; at Fort
Miller, 244.

Johnson's Royal Green's, in-
humanity of, 257.

Johnston, see Johnson.

Jones, Charles H., his Con-
quest of Canada, cited, 103,
117, 137, 144, 166.

Jones, David, concerned in
the murder of Miss McCrea,
235; to marry her, 236.

Jones, Lieut. John, wounded,
329; biographical notice of,

Jones, Capt. Thomas, killed,
324; biographical notice of,

Jones, Thomas, his History
of New York, cited, 194.

Jordan, John W., vi.

Josselyn, John, his Two
Voyages to New England,
cited, 103.

Journals and Letters of
Curwen, see Curwen, Samuel.

Journals and Orderly Books
of Gen. Hadden, see
Rogers, Col. Horatio.

Journals du Voyage de M.
Saint-Luc de la Corne,
cited, 254.

Journal Historique, see
Cartier, Jacques.

Journal of Occurrences
During the Late American
War, see Lamb, Sergeant

Journal of the Principal Oc-
currences During the Siege
of Quebec, see Shortt, W. T.



Journal of Captain Thomas
Scott, cited, 124.

Journal of the Reign of George
III, see Walpole, Horace.

Journals of Congress, The,
cited, 55, 58.

Kalm, Peter, 143.

Kane, I., his Artillery List,

cited, 206, 207, 287.

Kensington; Henry, v, vii.

Kent, England, 135, 327.

Kidwally, 151.

Kilmansegge, the Baroness,

Kingston, Canada, formerly
Cataracony, 193.

Kingston, N. Y., 34, 36, 46.

Kingston, Robert, bearer of
a message to Gates, 47,
305; biographical notice of,

Kinsale, England, 339.

Knight, Charles, his Pictorial
History of England, cited,

Laborers, Land of, 95.

Labrador, origin of the name,
95; mentioned, 93.

La Carne, Jean-Louis de, 253.

La Carne St. Luc, Luc de
Chapt de, leader of the In-
dians, 24, 253; biograph-
ical notice of, 253-254;
mentioned, 255.

La Fayette, Marquis de, re-
marks concerning General
Gates, 51; before Peters-
burg, 175; General Poor
served under, 282.

Lafitau, J. P., his Moeurs des
Sauvages, cited, 121.

Lake Champlain, Burgoyne
received recruits at, 26;
Arnold as commodore on,
146, 147, 241; Pringle on,
148; Longcroft on, 151;
list of the American fleet
on, 162-164; controlled by
the English, 173; men-
tioned, 116, 119, 129, 134,
135, 175, 178, 188, 200, 214,

Lake George, forts on, held
by the Americans, 19; com-
munications to cut off from
St. Clair, 19; discovered by
Champlain, 214; called St.
Sacrament, 214; why the
name was changed, 214;
cannon sent by the way of,
233; mentioned, 25, 41, 46,
227, 234, 236, 316.

Lake Oneida, 18.

Lake Ontario, 18, 257.

Lake St. Peter, Digby at, 113;
named by Champlain, 113.

Lake St. Sacrament, former
name of Lake George, 214.

Laleham, England, 339.

Lamb, Sergeant R., in charge
of the wounded, 219; his
Journal of Occurrences
During the Late American
War, cited, 34, 49, 199, 203,
220, 222, 234, 237, 245, 247,
272-273, 291, 325, 328, 330,
332, 333, 334, 335, 336, 337,
341, 347, 349-

Lancashire, England, 87.

Land of Laborers, 95.



Langdale, see Langlade,
Charles de,

Langlade, Charles de, bio-
graphical notice of, 254-

Last Journals of Horace Wal-
pole, see Walpole, Horace.

Laurel Hill, St. Clair died at,

Lauterback, Germany, Gen.
Riedesel born in, 110.

Learned, Gen. Ebenezer, at-
tacked Burgoyne's center,
38, 41; publicly thanked,
282; biographical notice of,
282-283; mentioned, 289.

Leeds, Duke of, 168.

Lee, Gen. Charles, 10.

Lee, The, captured, 162;
commanded by Davis, 164.

Legineu, General Amherst
served under, 135,

Le Loup, concerned in the
murder of Jane McCrea,

Lesdeguieres, the Duchess
of, Charlevoix letters to,
cited, 103, 104.

L'Estrange, Capt. Richard,
lost in the ice, 182; bio-
graphical notice of, 182.

Letter from Crown Point, A,
cited, 138.

Letters and Journals of
Madam Riedesel, see Stone,
Col. William L.

Letters to the Duchess of
Lesdeguieres, from Charle-
voix, cited, 103-104.

Levestoe, vii, sec Livingstone.

Lewis, Gen. Morgan, 237.

Lexington, the battle of, its
effect upon the English
government, 4-5; General
Heath at, 62; Col. Nesbit
at, 1 14; its effect upon Ar-
nold, 147; its effect upon
Gates, 169; L'Estrange in,
182; its effect upon Col.
Hale, 216; effect upon Col.
Morgan, 270; fired the
military ardor of the coun-
try, 282; its effect upon Gen.
Poor, 282.

Liberty, The, commanded by
Premier, 164; mentioned,

Light Dragoons, the Queen's,
189, 229, 230, 231, 232,

Light Infantry, 211.

Ligonier, Lord Edward, bio-
graphical notice of, 234,

Ligonier, Col. Francis, father
of Lord Edward, 234.
Ligonier, Viscount, of
Clonmel, 234.

Lincoln, Francis F. C, sixth
Earl of, 246.

Lincolnshire, England, 298.

Lind, Col. John, wounded,
332; biographical notice of,

Lindsay, Alexander, see Bal-
carres, the Earl of.

Lithy, The, missing, 91.

Livingstone, Robert, a daugh-
ter of, married Gen. Mont-
gomery, 99.

Livingstone, Gov. William,
his humorous reply to Bur-



goyne's manifesto, 192;
mentioned, 142.

London, 2, 4, 15, 17, 18,21,66,
74, 92, 103, 116, 140, 148,
160, 169, 171, 175,313,345.

London Chronicle, The, cited,
140, 148.

London Morning Post, The,

London, Tower of, Captain
Shrimpton in command at
the, 350.

Long, Col., attacked by Col.
Hill, 224; his defeat caused
by a lack of ammunition,

Longcroft, Capt. Edward, at
Riviere-la-Cole, 150; com-
mander of the Loyal Con-
vert, 152; biographical
notice of, 150-15 i.

Long Island, the retreat after
the battle of, compared to
the battle of Bunker Hill,
60; Sir Henry Clinton at,
246; Riedesel in command
at, no; mentioned, 313.

Lords Commissioners of the
Admiralty, 151.

Lossing, Benson J., his Field
Book of the Revolution,
cited, 34, 6\, 62, 166, 170-
171, 237.

Louisburg, the siege of. Sir
William Pepperell at, 2;
New England troops at, 83;
Guy Carleton at, 84; Gen.
Montgomery at, 99; Sir
William Howe at, 1 55; Lord
Ligonier at, 234; St. Leger
at, 257; Farquar at, 335.

Louisiana ceded to Great
Britain, 351; Capt. Forbes
in, 351-

Louis-le-Grand, College de, 17.

Loyal al Convert, The, Digby on,
150, 152; formerly belonged
to the Americans, 152;
commanded by Longcroft, 151-

Loyalists of America and
their times, see Ryerson,
Egerton, LL. D.

Loyalists of the American
Revolution, see Sabine,

Loyal Rangers, the, 194.

Lucas, Lieut. Thomas, killed,
332; biographical notice of,

Lunenburg, Mass., 215.

Luttrell, Temple, on Lord
Germaine, 239.

Lymme, England, 199.

Lynd, see Lind.

Maccabees, the Books of,
cited, 121.

McCoy, Ensign, captured,
145; before Gen. Eraser,
145-146; information, given
by him, 146-147.

McCrea, Jane, the story of
her murder, 235-237;
mentioned by Gates, 262; by
Burgoyne, 264-265; The
Life of, by D. Wilson, cited,

McDonald,-------, his home
and mill destroyed, 138.

McFarlane, William,
succeeded Houghton, 109.



McKay, Capt. Samuel,
commander of the Canadians,
142; his cruelty, 142; sent
by Burgoyne to open the
road, 300; biographical
notice of, 300.

Mackenzie, Lieut. Kenneth,
killed, 334; biographical
notice of, 336.

McKinzy, see Mackenzie.

McNeil, Mrs., 235.

McPherson, 134.

Magazine of American
History, The, cited, 112.

Magdalen Islands, the, 92.

Mahon, Lord, his remarks
concerning Washington, 50;
his History of England,
cited, 51, 73, 163, 244.

Maine, Arnold in, 8; Capt.
Craig in, 167; mentioned,

Malta, Col. Greene in
command at, 278.

Make Brun, Konrad, cited, 89.

Manchester, Va., Col. Morgan
died at, 271.

Manifesto of Burgoyne, 189-
192, 229; humorous replies
to the, 192, 229-233.

Mansfield, commanded the
New Haven, 163.

Marblehead, Mass., 59.

Marblehead, The History and
Traditions of, cited, 61.

Marburg, 110.

Maria, The, named for the wife
of Sir Guy Carleton, 145,
148; commanded by Lieut.
Starke, 151; Carleton on
board, 157.

Marlborough, the Duke of,
Burgoyne served under,
115; mentioned, 66.

Marshall, Lieut. John, his
Royal Naval Biography,
cited, 140.

Marshall, Col. Thomas,
publicly thanked, 283;
biographical notice of, 283.

Martinico, campaign against,
Gates in the, 169;
Sutherland in the, 310.

Martinique, Blomfield at the
capture of, 326.

Massachusetts, 9, 61, 92, 114,
211, 282, 283,314,315,316.

Maurepas, Jean Frederic,
Comte de, fort named in
honor of, 126.

Medford, birthplace of Col.
Francis, 211; the History
of, see Brooks, the Rev.

Mediterranean sea, the, Craig
in service in, 167.

Memoirs of Gen. Heath, see
Heath, Gen. William.

Memoirs of Maj.-Gen. Riedesel,
see Stone, Col. William.

Memoirs of My Own Times,
see Wilkinson, Gen. James.

Menominees, the, under de
Langlade, 255.

Meyrick, Dr., 117.

Middlesex county, England,

Midhurst, represented by
Burgoyne, 115.

Military Journal of Thatcher,
The, see Thatcher, James,
M. D.



Military Memoirs of Great
Britain, The, see Beatson,

Miller, Capt. Robert, his
daughter married Capt.
Wilson, 127.

Minigo, the Indian name of
the Island of Orleans, 103.

"Mister," applied to
Washington, 3, 15.

Mobile, Ramsey at, 348;
Featherstone at, 349.

Mohawk river, the, forts on,
held by the Americans, 19,
21; unsuccessful expedition
to, 257; Fort Stanwix on,

Monckton, Gen. Gates his aid-
de-camp, 169.

Money, Gen. John, taken
prisoner, 290; biographical
notice of, 290-291.

Monin, Capt., commander of
the Canadians, 142; cruelty
of, 142; death of, 142;
mentioned, 193.

Monmouth, battle of, Gen.
Poor at, 282; mentioned,

Monning, Capt., see Monin,

Montcalm, Louis Joseph,
Marquis de, erected works
at St. Johns, 116; at Ticon-
deroga, 127, 204; erected
Fort George, 227.

Montgomery, Capt. William
Stone, wounded and taken
a prisoner, 220, 221, 225,
348; biographical notice of,

Montgomery, Gen. Richard,
joined by Arnold, 8; army
of, wasted by disease and
exposure, 8; unsuccessful
attack upon Quebec, 8, 99,
325; known to Carleton,
84; captured Trois Rivieres,
84; captured Forts St.
Johns and Chambly, 116,
300; his coffin, 134; suc-
ceeded Schuyler,, 241; bio-
graphical notice of, 99-101;
mentioned, 3, 9, 19, 102, 253.

Montgomery, Sir William,
father of Capt. William,
221, 222.

Montreal, held by Arnold, 10;
Burgoyne at, 15, 120; Gor-
don buried at, 129; cap-
tured, 253; mentioned, 13,
86, 106, 116, 122, 129, 131,
176, 178, 183.

Montreal, Island of, 120.

Mordant, Gen. Sir John,
accompanied by Capt.
Weymis, 333.

Morgan, Gen. Daniel,
attacked Fraser, 38; attacked
the British right flank, 38;
one of his sharpshooters
wounded Fraser, 39-40;
advanced on the enemy,
270; caused great havoc,
272; his retreat, 273;
biographical notice of, 270-
272; mentioned, 30.

Morgan, Gen. Daniel, Life of,
see Graham, James, and
Cooke, John Esten.

Morton, the Earl of, ancestor
of Sir Charles Douglass, 104.



Mothe, Sieur la, erected a
fort, 143; island named for
him, 143.

Mott, Samuel, 254.

Mount Defiance, occupied by
Burgoyne, 218; remarks of
Washington concerning,
219; mentioned, 204; see
Sugar-loaf hill.

Mount Hope, occupied by
Fraser, 19.

Mount Independence, origin
of the name, 208; retreat
from, 208-210; mentioned,
214, see Fort Independ-

Mount Vernon, Gen. Gates at,

"Mr.", applied to
Washington, 3, 15.

Murray, Lieutenant James,
wounded, 349; biographi-
cal notice of, 352.

Musselburgh, Scotland, 104.

Namur, The, 150.

Nantucket, Sir Isaac Coffin a
native of, 92.

Narrative of his Conduct in
America, by Sir Henry
Clinton, cited, 247.

Narrative of Lieut.-Gen. Sir
William Howe, cited, 71.

Naticousti, former name of
Anticosti, 97.

National Library at
Washington, vi.

Natiscotes, former name of
Anticosti, 97.

Naval History of Great Brit-
ain, see Brenton, Edward P.

Naylor, Lieut. William Pen-
dred, taken prisoner, 337;
biographical notice of, 345-

Neilson, Charles, his Account
of Burgoyne's Campaign,
cited, 235, 237.

Nesbit, Col., ill-treated
prisoners, 108.

Nesbit, Gen. William, in
command before Fort Sorel,
114; succeeded by
Sutherland, 310.

New Britain, 93.

New Brunswick, Capt. Ram-
say in, 349.

New England, to be separated
from the south and west,
14; to furnish supplies to
oppose Burgoyne, 15; to be
attacked by Burgoyne, 21,
321; troops of, at Louis-
burgh, 83; troops under
Amherst, 135.

Newfoundland, early fishing
on the banks of, 90; called
Baccalaos and Codlands,
90; described, 92-93;
mentioned, 88, 89, 91.

New Hampshire, 10, 38, 216,

New Hampshire Historical So-
ciety Collections, cited, 233.

New Haven, Arnold a
druggist in, 147.

New Haven, The, burnt, 162;
commanded by Mansfield,

New Jersey, William Living-
stone governor of, 192;
mentioned, 10, 270.



Newport, Gen. Sullivan at the
siege of, l0; permission not
granted for the British
troops to depart from, 53;
Burgoyne embarked from,

New Travels in the United
States of America by J. P.
B. de Warville, cited, 62.
New York, city, Howe and
Clinton in, 19; Clinton in
command at, 25; Burgoyne
received no help from, 26;
Gen. Gates died at, 171;
prison ships at, 232;
inducements offered for
recruits in, 247; mentioned,
246, 346.

New York State, vi, 8, 14, 19,
61, 99, 169, 194, 195, 241,

New York, The History of,
see Jones, Thomas, and
Dunlap, William.

New York, The, burnt, 162;
commanded by Reed, 163.

New York Council of Safety,
censured St. Clair, 219,

New York, Documents Relat-
ing to the Colonial History
of, see O'Callaghan, E. B.,

Niagara river, the, 39.

Nicholson, Col., built Fort
Anne, 221.

Nineteenth Light Dragoons,

Ninety-fifth Foot, 257.

Ninety-first Foot, 124, 290.

Ninth Battalion, 326.

Ninth Dragoons, 221.

Ninth Foot, 221, 224,234, 290,
Historical Record of the,
cited, 221-222, 225, 235,
329, 347-

Ninth Regiment, the colors of
the, concealed, 56;
mentioned, 122, 196, 221.

Noel, M., translated
Anburey's Travels Through
the Interior Parts of
America, 17.

Norfolk militia, the, 290.

Normands, the, 103.

Normandy, 179.

North Britain, 189, 229.

North, Lord Frederick, re-
sponsible for hiring the
German troops, 7; repre-
hended Burke and Fox
for eulogizing Montgom-
ery, 101; mentioned, 65,

North river, the, 321, see Hud-
son river.

North sea, the, 93.

North-western territory, St.
Clair governor of the,

Norwich, Conn., birthplace of
Benedict Arnold, 146.

Norwich, England, John
Money a native of, 290.

Nottingham, England, Gen.
Howe a representative of,

Nova Scotia, 92; the History
of, see Haliburton, Thomas

Nutt, Lieut. George Anson,
biographical notice of, 195.



Obins, Lieut. Hamlet, killed,
332; biographical notice of,

O'Callaghan, Edmund B., LL.
D., his edition of Bur-
goyne's Orderly Books,
cited, 124, 195, 196, 199, 237,
256, 330, 335, 339,347; his
Colonial History of New
York, cited, 257; his Docu-
ments Relating to the
Colonial History of New
York, cited, 254, 257.

One Hundred and Eighth
Foot, 129.

One Hundred and Fifth Foot,

One Hundred and Second
Foot, 351.

One Hundred and Thirteenth
Royal Highland
Volunteers, 196.

Orderly Books of Burgoyne,
the, see O'Callaghan, Ed-
mund B., LL. D.

Orleans, Island of, Digby at,
103; called Minigo, 103;
called Isle of Bacchus,


Orne, Capt., 59.
Oswego, St. Leger retired to,

Ottawa, vi.

Ottawas, the, join the British,
228; under Langland, 254-

Oughton, Lieut.-Gen., Capt.
Greene served under, 278.

Our Commanders, 319.

Oxford, Mass., Gen. Learned
died at, 283.

Oyseaux, Isles aux, described,

Palmer, Lieut., concerned in
the killing of Miss McCrea,

Palmer, P. S., his History of
Lake Champlain, cited, 217,

Paris, 103.

Parker, Sir Peter, his expedition
against Charleston,

Parsons, Usher, M. D., his
Life of Sir William
Pepperell, cited, 2.

Patterson, Col., a messenger
for Gen. Howe, 3.

Pausch, 183.

Pearl, The, 83.

Peekskill, 72.

Peninsular war, the, Lieut.
Howarth in, 328.

Pennsylvania, Howe's expe-
dition to, 25; mentioned,
107, 108, 126, 137, 138, 165,
166, 218, 219, 270.

Pennsylvania Historical
Society, vi.

Pennsylvania Sixth Regi-
ment, 126.

Pennsylvania State Library,
vi, 127, 138.

Pensacola, 149.

Pepperell, Sir William, formed
a regiment, 2; at Louis-
burgh, 2; knighted, 2;
death of, 2; The Life of,
see Parsons, Usher, M. D.

Percy, Lord, Craig served
under, 166.



Petersburgh, Va., Gen.
Phillips died at, 175,

Peters, John, father of Lieut.-
Col. John, 193.

Peters, Lieut.-Col. John, in
command of the provincial
Tory corps, 193; biographical
notice of, 193.

Peters, the Rev. Samuel, 193.

Petershaw, Lord, 129.

Philadelphia, Gen. Howe
prepared an expedition
against, 19, 64; St. Clair in
command at, 219; evacu-
ated by Clinton, 246; men
tioned, 35, 64, 101, 247.

Philadelphia, The, sunk, 162;
commanded by Rice, 163.

Phillips, Ensign Levinge
Cosby, killed, 336; bio-
graphical notice of, 342-

Phillips, Gen. William, before
Ticonderoga, 19; his orders
concerning Whitcomb, 133;
advised Carleton to ad-
vance, 172; reconnoitered
the enemy's lines, 174-175;
in command at Montreal,
184; advised Burgoyne to
advance, 275; Capt. Greene
under, 278; Bloomfield
served under, 325-326; bio-
graphical notice of, 174-
175; mentioned, 16, 18, 30,
37, 42, 243, 294.

Pickering, Charles, M. D., his
Races of Men and their
Geographical Distribution,
cited, 95.

Pigeons plenty, 152.

Pilot, Capt. Henry, brother-
in-law of Digby, 149; bio-
graphical notice of, 149-

Pixton, Maj. Acland died at,

Placentia, Bay of, 91.

Playfair, William, his British
Family Antiquary, cited,
104, 1 16, 222, 327.

Plymouth, England, fleet from,
88; Sir William Howe,
governor of, 156.

Plymouth, Mass., 9.

Point au Faire, see Point au

Point au Fer, blockhouse
erected on, 152; mentioned,
153, 148, 177.

Political Index to the His-
tories of Great Britain, see
Beatson, Robert.

Poor, Daniel, grandfather of
Gen. Enoch, 282.

Poor, Gen. Enoch, attacked
the British left, 38; publicly
thanked, 282, biographical
notice of, 282.

Poor, Thomas, father of
Enoch, 282.

Port Andre, 207.

Port Neuf, Digby at, 105.

Portsmouth, England, 59.

Portugal, Burgoyne and Gard-
ner in, 222; mentioned, 39.

Potton, England, granted to
the Burgoyne family, 10.

Powell, Gen. Henry Watson,
in command at Ticon-
deroga, 285; biographical
notice of, 196-199.



Powell's Brigade, i8i, 337.

Prairie, La, 129.

Premier, , commander of
The Liberty, 164.

Prentis, Capt., 133, 134.

Preston, Burgoyne the repre-
sentative of, 6'j, 115.

Prince Society, the publica-
tion of, cited, 127.

Prince, Lieutenant William,
wounded, 349; biographi-
cal notice of, 352.

Princess Amelia, The, 150.

Pringle, Capt. Thomas, com-
modore of Lake Champlain,
148, 152, 157-158; bio-
graphical notice of, 148;
mentioned, 139, 164.

Prospect Hill, Boston, the
quarters of the British
troops, 49-50.

Providence, The, burnt, 162;
commanded by Simonds,

Public Records Office, 4.

Putnam, Gen. Israel, in the
Highlands, 25.

Putnam's Creek, 201.

Quaker Springs, 30.

Quebec, Carleton took refuge
in, 8, 13, 16; daring attack
upon, 8, 99; Gen. Thomas
before, 9; Burgoyne at, 14,
104; Dearborn in the
assault of, 38; New England
troops at, 83; Carleton,
governor of, 84; the attempt
to storm, 99; Digby at, 104;
Gen. Nesbit died at, 114;
Sir William Howe at, 155;

Craig at, 167; mentioned,
vi, 3, 70, 83, 92, 98, 99, 102,
103, 105, 106, 108, 116, 122,

135. 139. 151. 152, 173, 176,
180, 182, 183, 198, 222, 228,
230, 254, 257, 271, 325, 332,
335, 336, 341; Journal of
the Principal Occurrences
During the Siege of, see
Shortt, W. T.

Queen's Loyal Americans,
the regiment of the, the in-
humanity of, 257,

Queen's Ranger Huzzars,
the, 247.

Queen's Regiment of Light
Dragoons, the, 189,-229.

Races of Men and their
Geographical Distribution, see
Pickering, Charles, M. D.

Radeau, a, described, 11.

Ramsay, David, M.D., his His-
tory of the American Revo-
lution, cited, 101, 108, 244.

Ramsay, Captain Malcolm,
wounded, 344; biographi-
cal notice of, 348-349.

Randolph, Thomas Jefferson,
his Life of Thomas Jeffer-
son, cited, 175.

Raphoe, Ireland, Gen. Mont-
gomery a native of, 99.

Read, Captain, 59.

Reading, Pa., Hartley a native
of, 165.

Reed, Lieut.-Col. James, com-
manded the New York, 163;
mentioned, 216.

Reed, Joseph, a letter from
Washington to, cited, 63-64



Reflection on the Fast, 318.

Registers of Westminster
Abbey, cited, 116.

Remembrances of Public
Events, The, cited, 1 16, 291,

Revenge, The, commanded by
Seaman, 163; mentioned,

Revolutionary Record, The,
cited, 166.

Reynell, Anne, wife of Lieut.
Reynell, followed her hus-
band to America, 339; her
children, 339.

Reynell, Baron Richard
Littleton, 339.

Reynell, Samuel, 339.

Reynell, Sir Thomas, 339.

Reynell, Lieut. Thomas, killed,
336; biographical notice of,

Reynell, Thomas, Jr., 339.

Reynels, see Reynell.

Rhinebeck, Gen. Montgomery
settled at, 99.

Rhinehesse, Riedesel born in,

Rhode Island troops, the, com-
manded by Gen. Sullivan, 10.

Rice, commander of The Phila-
delphia, 163.

Richardson, Captain, 90.

Richelieu, Cardinal, 103.

Richelieu river, the, formerly
called the River of the Iro-
quois and the Sorel, 103;
mentioned, 116, 135.

Richmond, the Duke of, his
letter to Lord Rockingham,
cited, 65.


Riedesel, Baron Friedrich
Adolph, before Fort Inde-
pendence, 19; his contempt
for the American prison-
ers, 108; marched toward
Skeensborough, 217; sup-
posed jealousy concerning,
217; to sustain Fraser, 223-
224; sent to Bennington,
248, 250; the romantic at-
tachment of his wife, 268;
return of the troops under,
355; biographical notice of,
110-111; mentioned. 16,
18, 30, 31. 36, 37. 46, 48,
88, 119, 184, 260, 293, 329,
339; Memoirs, Letters and
Journals of, during his resi-
dence in America, see Stone,
Col. William L.

Riedesel, Baroness Frederica
Louisa, her romantic attach-
ment for her husband, 268;
mentioned, 48, 339; her
Letters and Journals relat-
ing to the war of the Amer-
ican Revolution, see Stone,
Col. William L.

Rindge, N. H., History of,
see Stearns, Ezra S.

Rindge, N. H., home of Col.
Hale, 216; a company of
minute men formed in, 216.

Riviere la Colle, 148, 149,

Riviere Sable, Digby at, 173.

Robertson, Lieut. John James,
killed, 334; biographical
notice of, 337.

Rochfort, the expedition
against, 333.



Rockingham, Lord, letter to,
from the Duke of Rich-
mond, cited, 65.

Rodney, Admiral, Longcraft
served under, 150-15 1;
Blomfield served under,

Rogers, Col. Horatio, his edi-
tion of Hadden's Journal
and Orderly Book, cited,
vi, 83, 86, 108, 112, 115,
128, 130, 134, 148, 180, 181,
184, 193, 194, 195, 199,203,
206, 207, 216, 223, 227-228,
254, 291, 298, 299,325,328,
338, 351.

Rome, N. Y., the site of Fort
Stanwix, 258.

Rowe, Lieut. John, wounded,
342; biographical notice of,

Roxbury, Mass., 9, 39, 61, 62.

Royal Americans, the,. Gates
a major in, 169.

Royal Artillery, Phillips a
captain in the, 174; men-
tioned, 278, 324, 325, 326,
327, 328, 329.

Royal Artillery, History of,
see Duncan, F.

Royal Engineers, the, 337, 346.

Royal George, The, 18, 201,

Royal Greens, Johnson's, in-
humanity of, 257.

Royal Highland Emigrants,
the, 331.

Royal Irish Dragoons, the,

Royal Naval Biography, see
Marshall, Lieut. John.

Royal Regiment of New
York, the inhumanity of,

Royal Savage, The, built by
Arnold, 158; destroyed,
158-159, 162, 177; com-
manded by Hawley, 163;
mentioned, 145.

Russia, 5.

Rutherford, Lieut. Richard,
wounded, 334; biograph-
ical notice of, 337.

Ryerson, Egerton, LL. D.,
his Loyalists of America
and their Times, cited, 244,

Sabine, Lorenzo, his Loyal-
ists of the American Rev-
olution, cited, 194, 243-

Sacs, the, under de Langlade,

St. Clair, Gen. Arthur, his
communication with Lake
George cut off, 19; at Ti-
conderoga, 19; surprised
by the British, 20; retreated,
leaving his stores behind,
20; the retreat disclosed,
20; failed to hold his po-
sition, 170, 174; in com-
mand at Ticonderoga, 204;
his want of foresight, 204;
Burgoyne on, 204; at Cas-
tletown, 218; censured, 218;
before Congress, 241-242;
biographical notice of, 218-

St. Dennis, Digby at, 116.

St. Johns, see Fort St. Johns.



St. Lawrence, Gulf of,
described, 91-92; full of ice,

St. Lawrence river, 10, 18,92,
93, 96, 97, 102, 120, 178,
180, 181.

St. Leger, Lieut.-Col. Barry,
to make a division on the
Mohawk, 15; detached to
Fort Schuyler, 18; at Fort
Schuyler, 23, 161; retreat
of, 27; at Oswego, 256; to
meet Burgoyne at Albany,
257-258; fine conduct of,
258; joined by McKay, 300;
biographical notice of, 256-
257; mentioned, 28.

St. Luc, see La Carne St. Luc,
Luc de Chapt de.

St. Malo, Burgoyne at the
attack of, 115; Hamilton at,

St. Maurice river, 106.

St. Paul, Island of, 91.

St. Sacrament, Lake, former
name of Lake George, 214.

Salem, 59.

Salons, Baron Alexander,
wounded, 349; biographical
notice of, 352-353.

Saratoga, Burgoyne encamped
at, 28; mentioned, vii,
58, 302, 303, 309, 314, 317,
323, 333, 338, 344, 345, 349,
352, 353-

Saratoga, the battle of, Lieut.
Wright killed at, 329; men-
tioned, 39.

Saratoga, Heights of, held by
the Americans, 42; Burgoyne
on the, 267, 300.

Saratoga, name given by Gen.
Morgan to his farm, 271.

Saratoga, a pseudonym,
signed to the humorous
manifesto, 233.

Saunders, F., vi.

Saunders, William, captured,

Savages join the British army,
120-121; described, 121;
see Indians.

Scaling a gun described, 154.

Scalping among the Scythians,
121; see under Indians.

Schank, Lieut., commanded
the Inflexible, 152.

Schiller, Johann Christoph,
upbraided the Germans for
sending troops to America,

Schuyler, Gen. Phillip,
commander of the American
army, 19; laid hindrances
in the way of Burgoyne, 22;
his army encamped on the
Mohawk and Hudson, 22;
superseded by Gates, 29;
his diary cited, 31; his
mansion the head-quarters
of Burgoyne, 42; took
charge of Mme. Riedesel
and her children, 48, 242;
friend of George Augustus,
Lord Howe, 156; to him
belongs the honor of
Burgoyne's defeat, 170;
Gates envious of, 170; let-
ter from Gates, 172; as-
signed Ticonderoga to
Gates and then to St. Clair,
204; accused of accepting



a bribe, 219; issued a
proclamation, 233; before
Congress, 241-242; feeling
against, 242; his house
burned, 249, 299, 301;
repaired Fort Stanwix, 258;
named the fort, 258; met
Burgoyne, 301; told Burgoyne
to have no regret
for burning the house, 301;
Burgoyne's excuse, 301;
biographical notice of, 241-

Schyler, see Schuyler.

Scotland, 87, 104, 218, 344.

Scot's Farm, 142.

Scott, Capt. Alexander, lost
in the ice, 181; biographi-
cal notice of, 181.

Scott, Lieut. Thomas, a mes-
senger for Burgoyne, 36,
123; his Journal cited, 124;
cruising off Isle la Motte,
143; passed through the
enemy's fleet, 143; took to
the woods, 143-144; com-
manded the Thunderer,
152; biographical notice
of, 122-124.

Scythians, scalping among
the, 121.

Sea Fencibles, the, 151.

Seaman, commanded the
Revenge, 163.

Second Battalion, 181, 287.

Second Foot, 1 15.

Second New Hampshire
Regiment, the, 216, 282.

Seringapatam, Lieut. Scott at
the taking of, 124.

Seventh Regiment, 100.

Seventieth Foot, the, 1 14.

Seventy-first Highlanders,
the, 87.

Seventy-fourth Foot, the,

Seventy-second Foot, the, 84,

Seventy-seventh Foot, the,

Shelburne, Life of William
Earl of, see Fitzmaurice,
Lord Edmond.

Shelly, Surgeon, 220.

Shirley, Governor William,
formed a regiment, 2.

Shooter's Hill, Blomfield's
death at, 327.

Shortt, W. T., his Journal of
the Principal Occurrences
During the Siege of Que-
bec, cited, 86.

Shrimpton, Captain John,
wounded, 211, 346; bio-
graphical notice of, 349-

Siege of Boston, the, see
Frothingham, Hon. Rich-

Silver Bullet, the story of the,
33-34, 284.

Silver Bullets said to have
been thrown by Burgoyne,

Simcoe, Col. John Graves,
accompanied Arnold on his
Southern campaign, 246;
commanded the Queen's
Ranger Huzzars, 247; his
Journal cited, 175.

Simonds commanded The
Providence, 163.



Sioux, the, under de
Langlade, 254-255.

Sismondi, Jean Charles Leon-
ard de, his Histoire des
Franηais, cited, 135.

"Sister Kitty," a soubriquet
conferred on Catherine of
Russia, 6.

Sisters, the, missing, 91.

Six Nations, the expedition
against, Gen. Poor in, 282.

Sixteenth Dragoons, the,
Burgoyne's Light Horse, 115,
222, 223, 248, 305,332,346.

Sixth Dragoons, the, 290.

Sixth Pennsylvania
Regiment, the, 126, 165.

Sixtieth Foot, the, 155, 331.

Sixty-fifth Foot, the, 195.

Sixty-first Foot, the, 346.

Sixty-fourth Foot, the, 196.

Sixty-ninth Foot, the, 198.

Sixty-second Foot, the, 36, 55,
196, 272, 273,200, 310, 329,
338, 339"340, 341, 342, 343.
344. 345, 346,349; the
Historical Record of, 330, 344.

Sixty-third Foot, the, 87.

Skene, Capt. Phillip, served
under Abercrombie, 217;
named Skenesborough, 217;
mentioned, 233.

Skenesborough, Burgoyne at,
21, 22; baggage sent to,
205; Riedesel marched to-
ward, 217; origin of the
name, 217; Digby ordered
to, 219-220; the army as-
sembled at, 222; enemy
driven from, 223; feu-de-
joie at, 222, 225; long delay

at, 226; doubt expressed
concerning the expedience
of bringing the army to,
227; the delay gave the
enemy time to collect, 228;
departure of the army, 233;
supplies sent from Ticon-
deroga, 266; in the posses-
sion of the Americans, 284;
Chθland killed at, 325; men-
tioned, 222, 224, 228.

Smith, Lieut. William P.,
wounded, 425; biographi-
cal notice of, 228.

Snakes at Skeensborough,

Somersetshire, England, iii,
112, 338.

Sorel, M. de, 103.

Sorel river, formerly called
the River of the Iroquois,
103; Capt. Wilson captured
at the, 126, II, 116, 120,
135, 145-

South American coast, Capt.
York drowned on the, 329.

South Carolina, 195.

Spain ceded West Florida to
Great Britain, 149, 347;
ceded Louisiana to Great
Britain, 351; mentioned,
95,. US-

Spanish West Indies, 333.

Sparks, Jered, his Life of
Washington, cited, 3, 51,
53, 54, 86, 108, 163, 166,

Specht, Johann Frederick,
biographical notice of, 197-

Spencer, Cornet, 247.



Spitfire, The, burnt, 162;
commanded by Ulmer, 163.

Spofford, A. R., vi, 58.

Spruce used as an anticros-
butic and for beer, 122,

Stamford, Conn., the birth-
place of Gen. Waterbury,
162; death of Waterbury
at, 163.

Stanly, Capt. John, wounded,
332; biographical notice of,

Stanwix, Gen. John, his name
given to a fort, 257; served
under Abercrombie, 257-

Stapleton, Captain Francis,
killed, 341; biographical
notice of, 347.

Stark, Gen. John, destroyed
Baum's command, 23; bio-
graphical notice of, 23-24.

Stark, Lieut., commanded the
Maria, 152.

State of the expedition from
Canada, see Burgoyne,
Lieut.-Gen. Sir John.

Staten Island, 72.

Stearns, Ezra S., his History
of Rindge, cited, 216.

Stedman, C, his History of
the American War, cited,
206, 247.

Steele, Lieutenant Thomas,
wounded, 346; biographi-
cal notice of, 350-351.

Stevelby, Lieutenant Joseph,
wounded, 348-349; bio-
graphical notice of, 352.

Stewart, see Stuart.

Stillwater, battle of, Schuy-
ler's outposts at the, 22;
Wright killed at the, 245;
Turnbull killed at the, 337;
mentioned, 266.

Stone, F. D., vi.

Stone, Col. William L.,
mentioned, vi, 161; his articles
in the Magazine of American
History, cited, 112; his
Campaign of Gen. John
Burgoyne, cited, 31, 299;
his edition of the Letters
and Journals of the Baroness
Riedesel, cited, 42, 43, 55,
88, III, 199, 242-243, 293,
297, 299, 300, 326-327, 340,
343, 345; his edition of the
Memoirs, Letters and Jour-
nals of Baron Riedesel,
cited, 108, III, 119, 217,
250, 252; his expedition of
Lieut.-Col. Barry St. Leger,
cited, 237, 257.

Stopford, Major, 128.

Storey, Thomas, 334.

Strangways, Captain Stephen
Digby, wounded, 335; bio-
graphical notice of, 338.

Stuart, Lieutenant Archibald,
killed, 336; biographical
notice of, 341.

Stuart, James, his Three
Years in North America,
cited, 87.

Sugar Hill, see Sugar-loaf

Sugar-loaf Hill, General
Phillips on, 174; comman-
ded Ticonderoga, 204, 205,
Capt. Walker on, 207.



Sullivan, Gen. John, unable
to form a conjunction with
Arnold, 10; fell back to
Crown Point, 11; sent with
reinforcements to Albany,
25; elated in finding himself
in command before Quebec,
108-109; unsuccessful in
recovering lost ground, 108-
109; evacuated the Isle aux
Noix, 138; biographical
notice of, 10.

Sumner, commanded the

Boston, 163.
Surinam, Greene in the
expedition against, 278.

Surrey, England, 328.

Sutherland, Col. Nicholas, a
messenger from Burgoyne
to Yates, 310, 311; bio-
graphical notice of, 310-3 1 2.

Sutton, England, granted to
the Burgoyne family, 114.

Sutton, Volunteer, wounded,
325; biographical notice of,
Swartwood, Capt. Abraham,
his coat used in making a
flag, 161.

Sweden, 95.

Swetman, see Swettenham.

Swettenham, Captain George,
wounded, 342; biographical
notice of, 347.

Sword-fish described, 89.

Talavera, Lieut. Howarth at
the battle of, 328.

Taylor, Ensign George, killed,
336; biographical notice of,

Taylor, Sergeant Daniel, 34.

Tenth Regiment, the, 282,

Tetton, the birthplace of
Major Acland, 111.

Thanet, the Earl of, supposed
relative of Gen. Gates, 168.
Thatcher, James, M. D., his
Military Journal, cited, 219.
Thevet, Andre, cited, 97.

Third Foot Guards, the, 160.

Third Light Dragoons, the,

Third New Hampshire Foot,
the, 216.

Thirteenth Dragoons, the,

Thirteenth Foot, the, 224.

Thirtieth Foot, the, 166, 278.

Thirty eighth Foot, the, 196.

Thirty-first Foot, the, 114,
149. 188, 278; The Histor-
ical Record of the, cited,

Thirty-fourth Foot, the, 123,
188, 196, 333, 351; The
Historical Record of the,
cited, 332, 333.

Thirty-seventh Foot, the, 181.

Thirty-sixth Foot, the, 114.
Thirty-third Foot, the, iii,
J95, 336, 351; The Histor-
ical Record of the, cited,

Thomas, Gen. John, forced to
retreat, 9, 108; biograph-
ical notice of, 9; mentioned,

Thompson, General William,
taken prisoner, 9; biograph-
ical notice of, 107-108.



Three Mile Point, 201.

Three Years in North America,
see Stuart, James.

Thunderer, The, commanded
by Lieut. Scott, 152.

Ticonderoga, put into a
condition of defense by the
Americans, 12; Burgoyne
to take a post within sight
of, 15; dismayed, 18; Gen.
St. Clair at, 19, 170;
Burgoyne before, 19-20; the
loss of, very bitter to the
Americans, 20, 224, 241-
242; capture of, hailed with
delight by George III and
Lord Germaine, 20-21, 64,
225; to be garrisoned by
troops from Carleton, 21;
Burgoyne obliged to garrison
it, 26-27; attacked by
the Americans, 37; Bur-
goyne's intended retreat to,
46, 245; garrisoned, 124;
Indian name of, 126; de-
scribed, 126-127, 213-214;
probably visited by Cham-
plain,. 126; Montcalm at,
127; called Carilton, 127;
Abercrombie before, 127,
258; captured by Amherst,
127; by Ethan Allen, 127;
by Haldeman, 127; Lord
Howe killed at, 156, 241,
258; Waterbury at, 163;
Heartley retired to,i65-i66;
paroled prisoners taken to,
166, 219; Gates in com-
mand at, 168; the force at,
169; the Americans im-
patient for the approach of

Carleton, 172; forced evac-
uation, 174; comments on
Carleton's not attempting
to reduce it, 187; General
Powell in command at, 196
-197; an attack repelled,
197; abandoned, 198; Fra-
ser in possession of an emi-
nence that commanded it,
202; assigned to Gates,
204, 218; commanded by
Sugar-loaf Hill, 204-205;
want of foresight in St.
Clair, 204; baggage stored
at, 226; flight of the enemy
from, 227; Lord Howe and
Gen. Schuyler at the attack
of, 241; recruits from, 266;
fear that the army should
be obliged to return to, 277;
expedition of the Ameri-
cans against, 277; rein-
forcements expected from,
280; report of its capture,
281; news of the attack
received, 284-285; partial
success of the Americans,
285; intercepted dispatches
to Burgoyne from, 285; ex-
press from, 286; retreat to,
proposed, 292; mentioned,
vii, 72, 116, 129, 130, 131,
132, 147, 163, 173, 176,206,
223, 228, 230, 242, 246, 258,
331, 332, 349.

Ticonderago, see Ticonderoga.

Tierra Laborador, see Labra-

Toboyne Township, Captain
Adams a native of the,



Toovey, Col. John,
commanded the Fifty-third
Regiment of Foot, vi,.

Tories, the, feellng against,
243-244; cause embarrass-
ment among the Ameri-
cans, 255.

Toronto, 244, 306.

Torture of prisoners, the, did
not originate among the
Indians, 121.

Tower of London, the, Capt.
Shrimpton in command of,

Townsend, Dr., 160.

Traverse, A., explained, 305.

Trois Rivieres, Carleton at, 84;
Digby at, 106; described,
106; prisoners paroled at,
132; mentioned, 184.

Trumbull, The, commanded
by Wigglesworth, 163; es-
caped, 162.

Turnbull, Lieutenant George,
killed, 334, 337,; biograph-
ical notice of, 336-337.

Twentieth Foot, the, 111,155,
196, 272, 332,333,334-335.
336; The Historical Record
of the, cited, 333, 334.

Twenty-eighth Foot, the, 256.

Twenty-first Dragoons, the,

Twenty-first Foot, the, 197,
198,310,336,337,348; The
Historical Record of the,
cited, 312, 336, 349.

Twenty-fourth Foot, the, 87,
122, 144, 211,224,337,338;
The Historical Record of
the, cited, 337, 338.


Twenty-ninth Foot, the, 129,
188,330,335,350,351; The
Historical Record of the,
cited, 330.

Twenty-seventh Foot, the,

Two Voyages to New Eng-
land, see Josselyn, John.

Tyconderoga, see Ticonder-

Ulmer, Capt., commanded
the Spitfire, 163. .

United States, History of the,
111 Graham, the Rev. James.

United States, New Travels
in the, see De Warrville, J.
P. Brisscot.

United States, the, 63, 195,
261, 281, 283, 312, 354.

Universal Magazine, The,
cited, 140, 148.

Valcour Island, 12.

Valley Forge, Gen. Poor at,
282; mentioned, 60.

Verchere, Madame de, the
heroism of, 178-179.

Vercheres, described, 178-
179; origin of the name, 178.

Vermont, 194; The History
of, see Hall, Hiland, LL. D.

Vershere, see Vercheres.

Villaret, Admiral, 148.

Virginia, Burgoyne's captive
army sent to, 62, 175; Am-
herst governor of, 136;
Arnold in, 175; Phillips in,
175; mentioned, 107, 270.

Vischer, Col., letter from Gen.
Wilkinson to, 281.



Von Gall, Col. W. R.,
biographical notice of,

Vyner, Mr., 254, 303.

Walker, Capt. Ellis, ordered
to Sugar-loaf Hill, 207;
biographical notice of,

Walpole, Horace, called
Catherine of Russia "Sister
Kitty," 6; idle story of his
being the father of Gen.
Gates, 168; god-father of
Gates, 168-169; his Journal
of the Reign of George
HI, cited, 21, 171,239,314,
318-319, 320; his Last
Journals, cited, 171.

Walpole, Horatio, 168.

Warbourg, Gen. Phillips at,

Warner, Col. Seth, captured
Crown Point, 127.

War of Independence, The
History of the, see Botta,
Carlo G. G.

Washington county, the
survey of, see Fitch, Asa.

Washington, D. C, the
National Library of, vi.

Washington, Gen. George,
addressed as " Mister," 3, 4,
15; his confidence in Gen.
Thomas, 9; compared to
Moses, 14; baffled Howe,
19; sent reinforcements to
Albany, 25; delay of Gates
in informing him of Bur-
goyne's surrender, 50; his
reply to Heath concerning

the removal of the troops
from Boston, 50-52; Lord
Mahon's opinion of, 50-51;
letter to Gates, 56-51; let-
ters to Heath, 52, 108; letter
to Congress, 54; letter from
Gates, 57; letter to Reed,
63-64; puzzled at Howe's
failure to co-operate with
Burgoyne, 71-72; request
for an exchange of prison-
ers, 84-85; opposed send-
ing Thompson to Virginia,
107; Gates an early friend
of, 169; Gates envious of,
170; proclamation of, 192;
remarks of, concerning the
evacuation of Ticonderoga,
219; met Morgan at Cam-
bridge, 270-271; consulted
Morgan, 271; his eulogistic
remarks upon Gen. Poor,
282; mentioned, 39, 60, 62,

Washington, The Life of
George, see Living, Washington,
and Sparks, Jered.

Washington, The, commanded
by Waterbury, 163;
captured, 162, 173.

Waterbury, Gen. David, J.,
taken prisoner, 162;
commanded The Washington,
163; biographical notice
of, 162; mentioned, 165,

Wayne, Col., 138.

Wellington, the Duke of,
Howarth served under, 328.

Wemys, see Weymis.

West India fleet, the, 148.



West Indies, the, Montgom-
ery in, 99; Gates in, 169;
Powell in, 196; Harris in,
331; Lind in, 333; Gordon
in, 351.

Westminster Abbey, Bur-
goyne buried in, 191.

Westminster Abbey Register,
cited, 1 16.

Westminster, England, Bur-
goyne educated at, 115.

Weston, Mass., Col. Marshall
died at, 283.

West Point, 60.

Westroop, Lieut. Richard,
killed at Fort Anne, 235,
348; biographical notice of,

Weymis, Captain Francis,
wounded, 332; biographical
notice of, 333-334-

Whale and sword fish, fight
between a, 89.

Whisky Insurrection, the,

Whitcomb, Lieut. Benjamin,
a scout, shot Gen. Jordon,
128-13 1; seized a British
quartermaster, 1 29-1 31;
his account of the affair,
129; Anburey's account of
it, 130; biographical notice
of, 1 3 1- 1 34; sent to
reconnoiter, 145.

Whitehall, 14, 258.

Whitmore, Lieut.-General, in
Florida, 347.

Whitmore, Rachel, married
Ebenezer Francis, 211.

Wigglesworth commanded the
Trumbull, 163.

Wight, Captain, killed, 347;
mentioned, 266, 290.

Wilkes, John, or Lord
Germaine, 239.

Wilkinson, Gen. James, adju-
tant for Yates, 38, 306,
310; sent by Yates to
Congress with the news of
Burgoyne's surrender, 50;
defended Gates, 50; saved
the life of Maj. Acland,
112; a letter of his pub-
lished, 280-281; met Major
Kingston, 306; his Mem-
oirs of My Own Times,
cited, 35, 38, 42, 44-45,
55, 112, 130, 138, 160, 171,
225, 237, 274, 275, 299,
306, 312, 342-343-.

Williams, Major Griffith,
objected to the removal of his
artillery, 286; taken prisoner,
326; biographical notice
of, 286-287.

Wilson, D., his Life of Jane
McCrea, cited, 235-237.

Wilson, Captain James Arm-
strong, taken prisoner, 126;
biographical notice of, 126;
mentioned, 137.

Wilson, Jean, mother of Capt.
James, 126.

Wilson, Thomas, father of
Capt. James, 126.

Windsor Castle, Phillips lieu-
tenant governor of, 174.

Winnebagoes, The, under de
Langlade, 254-255.

Winter Hill, Boston, the quar-
ters of the German troops
at, 49-50-



Wisconsin Historical Society,
The Collections of the,
cited, 255.

Wolfe, General James, L'Es-
trange with, 182; St. Clair
with, 218; St. Leger with,
257; mentioned, 84, 155.

Wolterton, the Baron of, 168.

Wolves devour the dead, 246.

Woodcock, The, 83.

Woolwich Royal Military
Academy, Phillips educated
at the, 174; Carter at, 205;
Walker at, 207; Williams
in command at, 287; Jones
at, 324; Blomfield at, 325;
Smith at, 328; York at, 329.

Wright, Louis James, killed,
327; biographical notice of,

Wright, Captain John,
biographical notice of, 245.

Wyandot Panther, The, 235,

Wyoming, the massacre of,

Yale College, 193.

York, Lieut. John H,, taken
prisoner, 326; biographical
notice of, 329.

York, Pa., Hartley's death at,

York, the Duke of. Fort
George named for, 228.

Yorktown, Cornwallis' surrender
at, 39; St. Clair at the
siege of, 219.

Young, Ensign Henry, killed,
336; biographical notice
of, 346.

Zebra, The, Longcraft
commander of, 151.

I am indebted to Mr. Edward Denham, of New Bedford,
an expert in all matters relating to indexing, for his valuable
services in compiling this index.

Saratoga Page